Which of the following best explains neighbors likely purpose in recounting Soviet actions in postwar Europe?

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Which of the following best explains neighbors likely purpose in recounting Soviet actions in postwar Europe?


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STATEMENT BY UNDER SECRETARY CLAYTON 2

Before going into details I would like to em- United States citizens and operated under the phasize one point made by Secretary Marshall. It Panamanian flag could probably be counted upon is one which I have advocated consistently in con- in an emergency. Including these two groups, our nection with our whole postwar shipping prob- privately owned tanker fleet would theoretically lem: The objective of the Ship Sales Act is pri- be adequate to meet our normal estimated domestic marily to dispose of our surplus vessels to both requirements but would provide no margin for exdomestic and foreign operators, and that objec- ceptional contingencies. However, since some of tive should take precedence over the charter of the United States privately owned tankers are emvessels and direct Government operation. The ployed in foreign trade under long-term conproblems which are before us today largely arise tractual arrangements, they would not be in a poeither because of the degree to which the demand sition to serve United States trades without confor purchase of vessels has not been met or because siderable delay and possibly governmental requisiof certain temporary programs which can only. tion to force à cancellation of present commitbe met through charter or direct operations. It is ments. my hope that efforts for the disposal of vessels The disastrous consequences of an induced world will be intensified so as to minimize or even elim- shortage of tankers become fully apparent when inate the problem of charter or Government opera- the effect upon foreign countries is considered. tion in the shortest possible time.

The withdrawal from operation of a quarter of With this general picture in mind, I would like the world's operating fleet coupled with the refirst to refer to the urgent necessity for Congres- striction to U.S. coastwise and import trade of all sional action to permit the continued operation of

U.S.-owned tankers would leave the rest of the Government-owned tankers.

world with less than two thirds of the tonnage reAt the present time, U.S. Government-owned

quired to meet its needs. tankers constitute a quarter of the tanker tonnage

It is difficult to exaggerate the seriousness of

the effect an interruption of petroleum shipments in operation throughout the world. In the ab

would have upon European and world recovery. sence of appropriate legislative action by our Gov

Because of the critical shortage of coal, the Euroernment, it will be necessary to withdraw these

pean economy is more than ever dependent upon Government-owned tankers from operation on

petroleum as its basic fuel, and an inadequate fuel June 30. Since the world tanker fleet even now

supply is delaying European recovery more than is no more than adequate to meet the demands

any other single factor. British industry is still upon it, such a step would precipitate a disastrous

operating well below capacity as a result of last and wholly unnecessary shortage of petroleum winter's coal crisis and the fear of its recurrence products.

next winter. In the western zones of Germany, it In addition to the vessels owned by the Govern

is the shortage of coal that prevents the production ment, another quarter of the world's operating

of steel, chemicals, and consumers' goods from tanker tonnage is made up of privately owned

reaching even the restricted levels agreed upon at tankers operating under the United States flag. Potsdam. If a heavy cut in petroleum supplies is These vessels are adequate to meet our coastwise

superimposed upon this situation, the progress of requirements but do not cover our import require

recovery throughout western Europe would be rements. Nevertheless, tankers privately owned by

versed and shortages of bunker fuel might well

impede the imports of coal, food, and reconstruc· Made before the House of Representatives Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries on June 11, 1947, and

tion materials. The repercussions of such measreleased to the press on the same date.

ures would extend throughout the world. In order

Which of the following best explains neighbors likely purpose in recounting Soviet actions in postwar Europe?

Top image courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration, 198923.

Tensions between the United States and its unlikely ally in the Soviet Union persisted throughout World War II. Western Allied leaders did not forget the initial nonaggression pact made between Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin and Adolf Hitler in 1939. However, Germany’s invasion of the Soviet Union and Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor created an alliance between the United States and the USSR. As World War II transformed both the United States and the USSR, turning the nations into formidable world powers, competition between the two increased. Following the defeat of the Axis powers, an ideological and political rivalry between the United States and the USSR gave way to the start of the Cold War. The subsequent race for superior military power sparked an era of espionage, wars over the spread of communism, and a build-up of nuclear arms that threatened global annihilation.

While President Roosevelt hoped to see a lasting peace emerge in the postwar world order, relations with the Soviet Union complicated that vision. Ever since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, in which the Russian monarchy fell to Soviet forces, the spread of communism beyond Russia remained a persistent fear throughout the twentieth century. This fear was not unfounded, as Soviet leaders actively sought to infiltrate or target nations to advance the global influence of the USSR. Soviet efforts to claim territory in Europe following Germany’s defeat fed into the belief that the USSR intended to expand communism across Europe.

By 1947, the United States adopted a policy of containment to restrict Soviet global power. This became a defining element of foreign policy in President Harry Truman’s administration. Outlined in a speech delivered to Congress, what became the Truman Doctrine was an open promise of US support to any country threatened by the Soviet Union. This promise lasted throughout Truman’s time in office and continued in the administrations that followed. The policy of containment later informed the “domino theory,” which stated that one country falling to Communism meant the surrounding countries were likely to fall as well. This policy ultimately pushed the United States to enter into wars in Korea, Vietnam, and other Cold War conflicts.

Mutual efforts to undermine their foe pushed the United States and the Soviet governments to plant spies within both the USSR and the United States to subvert policy, spy on intelligence, and seek out ways to hinder any effort at growing global power. While popular images of Cold War-era spies feature high-stakes missions, assassinations, and hidden recording devices that call to mind the world of characters like James Bond, these images were pulled from real-life acts of espionage. Many such gadgets, including poisoned pellets hidden in umbrellas or guns disguised as tubes of lipstick, emerged in the 1950s and 1960s. However, from the outset of the Cold War, acts of espionage between the United States and the USSR already existed.

Soviet espionage initially centered on stealing information related to the development of nuclear weapons. The Trinity test, in which the United States detonated a nuclear weapon for the first time, along with the use of two atomic bombs subsequently dropped on Japan, sent a clear message to the world that the United States held the most powerful bombs on earth. This gave the United States an undeniable advantage over other nations, and the USSR moved quickly to develop their own nuclear technology. Initially unsuccessful, the Soviets embedded spies in the United States to steal military secrets, including vital information that helped the USSR build and test their own nuclear bomb in 1949, only four years after the Trinity test. One of the most critical Soviet spies was Klaus Fuchs, a leading physicist who worked on the Manhattan Project and was a member of the Communist Party. After the Soviets tested their first nuclear bomb, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) identified Fuchs as the Soviet source. Questioned in December 1949, Fuchs confessed to the deed. Another spy who worked on the Manhattan Project, Theodore Hall, stated he volunteered to pass information to the Soviets in order to equalize the global playing field. Unlike Fuchs and other Soviet spies captured by the FBI, Hall was able to evade US authorities and never went on trial.

Which of the following best explains neighbors likely purpose in recounting Soviet actions in postwar Europe?

Operation Paperclip team at Fort Bliss. Image courtesy of NASA, NIX MSFC-8915531.

The arms race that came to define the Cold War also spurred other military and technological races between the two superpowers. In order to gain an edge over the Soviets, American military and intelligence agencies recruited scientists from Germany in a program initially called Operation Overcast, but later called Operation Paperclip. Established by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff in July 1945 and approved by President Truman in September 1946, over a thousand German scientists who were former members of the Nazi Party traveled to the United States to engage in research to benefit the United States in the Cold War. In particular, Wernher von Braun, who had helped developed the German V-2 rocket, worked with the US military to develop ballistic missiles. He also became a major scientist behind the “space race” that helped send Americans to the moon. This recruitment was not unique to the United States, however, as the USSR similarly sought out German scientists from the remnants of the defeated Nazi Party.

By 1946, an Iron Curtain fell across Europe, behind which all territory fell under Soviet control. Conflict between the USSR and other Western powers appeared inevitable. The following year, President Truman delivered a speech before Congress in which he stated that the United States would provide military and diplomatic assistance to any democratic nation under threat from internal communist parties or the expansion of Soviet authoritarianism. The Truman Doctrine outlined in this speech later led to the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949, a military alliance between the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and other Western European nations. Strengthened through the implementation of the Marshall Plan across Western Europe, member nations of NATO agreed to come to the defense of any member state that suffered an attack from any other power.

Although another global war appeared to be inevitable, the build-up of nuclear weapons in both the United States and Soviet Union helped to keep the Cold War from turning “hot.” The knowledge that each superpower held a stockpile of nuclear weapons created a military doctrine of mutually assured destruction (MAD) in which an attack from one would cause the complete annihilation of one or both, if not more, countries. The Cold War featured moments of increased tension, but stopped short of all-out warfare between the superpowers. Conflicts connected to the Cold War, such as wars in Korea and Vietnam, proved devastating to military forces on both sides. These conflicts also disrupted the balance of power in several regions across the globe, the ramifications of which continues to influence military and national security policies to this day. The global standoff for dominance between the United States and the Soviet Union created in the aftermath of World War II affected all aspects of life in the postwar world. The domination of military strength, technological advances, and the very structure of present day global politics exist as by-products of these Cold War conflicts.

Which of the following best explains neighbors likely purpose in recounting Soviet actions in postwar Europe?

Kristen D. Burton is the Teacher Programs and Curriculum Specialist at The National WWII Museum in New Orleans, LA. 

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