Top 10 grievances in the Declaration of Independence

The Colonial assemblies passed various legislation, including ones on governing their slaves, creating colonial currencies, and requesting representatives to be sent to Parliament, but the King withheld his approval. Henry Seymour Conway, the Secretary of State for the Southern Department, informed the Americans that Parliament would not pursue legal action against colonists who had actively protested against the Stamp Acts, provided that the assemblies would pay for any public property which had been destroyed. In complying with this demand, the Assembly of Massachusetts stated it would be "wholesome and necessary for the public good" to grant free pardon to all who had been engaged in the protests, and passed an act—but George III refused to ratify it.[2] Self-government was at the heart of the Founding Fathers' concerns, and each time George refused to ratify Colonial legislation, he intensified that concern.[3][4] History professor Steven Pincus states the first grievance is "extremely important" as some colonies passed measures intended to slow the pace of slavery. Any time such laws were introduced by local assemblies, they "were routinely vetoed by the Board of Trade, the Secretary of State, and King George III".[5]

This is an indictment of the King's appointed governors in the colonies, who had refused to endorse laws colonists viewed as conducive to the public good. The Massachusetts Assembly passed a law in 1770 for taxing Government officers in that colony, but the King ordered the governor to withhold his assent. Thus, the King violated the colonial charter and showed the little power of the colonies.[2]

"Neglect" is one of two reasons mentioned by John Locke as a valid reason for a dissolved government.[1]

Chapter 19 of Two Treatises of Government notes that "when such a single person, or prince, sets up his own arbitrary will, in place of the laws, which are the will of the society, declared by the legislative, then the legislative is changed." Locke lists changing the legislature without the people's knowledge or consent as another situation that justifies reform of government.[1]

On May 20, 1774, Parliament passed the Massachusetts Government Act, which nullified the Massachusetts Charter of 1691[6] and allowed governor Thomas Gage to dissolve the local provincial assembly and force them to meet in Salem.[7]

The Massachusetts Assembly issued a circular to other Assemblies in 1768 urging mutual co-operation in asserting the principle that Great Britain had no right to tax the colonists without their consent. The King then demanded that the Assembly rescind the resolutions expressed in the circular, and he ordered the governor to dissolve the Massachusetts Assembly immediately if they refused. Other assemblies were warned by the Government not to imitate Massachusetts, and the King dissolved any that refused to yield to their royally appointed governors. The North Carolina General Assembly and Virginia General Assembly were dissolved for denying the right of the King to tax the colonies or to extradite Americans from the colonies to stand trial. Several assemblies discussed forming a general Congress with delegates from all the colonies in 1774, and the King dissolved nearly all those that entertained the idea.[2] The Virginia House of Burgesses had implemented five resolutions, however, attempted to rescind the fifth on the 31st of May, 1765. As the papers had already printed their implementation, Royal Governor Francis Fauquier dissolved the House.[8][why?]

The Assembly of New York refused to comply with the provisions of the Mutiny Act in 1766, so Parliament passed the New York Restraining Act 1767 which suspended the Assembly's legislative authority.[9] John Dickinson discusses the suspension of New York's assembly in Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania.[10][2]

The Assembly of Massachusetts was dissolved in July 1768, and was not permitted to meet again until the last Wednesday of May 1769; even then, they found a military guard surrounding their meeting location with cannons pointed directly at it.[2]

There had been a large influx of German immigrants immigrating to America, and the King wanted to discourage such immigration. The Government was concerned over the increasing power of the colonies and the widespread popularity of republican ideals among German immigrants. After the peace of 1763, few people settled west of the Alleghenies due to these restrictions, and immigration had almost ceased by the time of the revolution.[2]

Parliament deprived the people of Massachusetts the right to elect their judges in 1774. Instead, the King appointed all the colony's judges, and they were dependent on him for their salaries and subject to his directions—and those salaries came from taxes and duties on the colonists. The same act deprived the colonists of the benefit of trial by jury, and the "administration of justice" was obstructed. Other colonies expressed similar grievances concerning the courts of law.[2]

Judges and royally appointed governors did not depend upon the colonists for their income; they drew their salaries from the King, and the American colonists saw that this led their officers to sympathize with Parliament but not with the colonies. The Colonial assemblies protested against these measures, leading to the formation of the Committees of correspondence in 1774.[11][12]

When Chief Justice Oliver declared it to be his intention to receive his salary from the crown,[13] the Assembly proceeded to impeach him and petitioned Governor Thomas Hutchinson for his removal.[14] The governor refused compliance and great irritation ensued.[15]

After the passage of the Stamp Act, stamp distributors were appointed in every considerable town. In 1766 and 1767, acts for the collection of duties created "swarms of officers", all of whom received high salaries; and when in 1768, admiralty and vice-admiralty courts were established on a new basis, an increase in the number of officers was made. The high salaries and extensive perquisites of all of these were paid with the people's money, and thus "swarms of officers" "ate out their substance."[2]

In 1763, Britain and France signed the Treaty of Paris to end the Seven Years' War. Parliament realized they needed to keep a permanent army in the American colonies in order both to keep the French from reasserting their control of their former territories and to prevent open warfare between the colonists and the Native Americans along the frontier. Although the colonists initially welcomed the protection provided by the soldiers[16] by the 1760s and early 1770s they had increasingly come to see the army as a tool for Parliament to enforce various revenue acts—e.g. the Stamp Act and Townshend Acts—that many colonists viewed as illegitimate. The last straw came in 1774 when Parliament passed the Quartering Act in response to the Boston Tea Party. This act allowed army officers to appropriate private property to quarter their troops without the consent of the property's owners. When General Thomas Gage occupied Boston in September 1774, he relied on this act to quarter his troops. It was Gage's military occupation of Boston that led the Second Continental Congress to include this grievance in the Declaration of Independence.

Upon his arrival at Boston in 1774, Thomas Gage – commander-in-chief of the British forces in North America – assumed control of the civil government as royal governor of Massachusetts. Both offices were held by royal appointment and without the approval of the people or the provincial government of Massachusetts. This was done according to the authority of Parliament (see: Massachusetts Government Act) in which the colonies were not represented. The purpose of this arrangement was to enforce the payment of customs, quell insurrection and resistance, and execute punitive measures. The Continental Congress considered that the police power of the state had been removed from accountability to the people of the province or their local, duly-elected leaders and could thus be used despotically to further the unjust policies imposed by the crown.[2]

The "others" with whom the King is thus said to have combined were the members of Parliament, the existence of which as a legally constituted body possessing authority over them the Americans thus refused even by implication to recognize.[17] This was due to the establishment of a Board of Trade, to act independently of colonial legislation through its creatures (resident commissioners of customs) in the enforcement of revenue laws. This was altogether foreign to the constitution of any of the colonies and produced great indignation. The establishment of this power and the remodelling of the admiralty courts to exclude trial by jury therein, in most cases rendered the government fully obnoxious to the charge in the text. The people felt their degradation under such petty tyranny and resolved to spurn it. It was effectually done in Boston, and the government, after all its bluster, was obliged to recede. In 1774, the members of the council of Massachusetts (answering to our Senate), were, by a Parliamentary enactment, chosen by the king, to hold the office during his pleasure. Almost unlimited power was also given to the governor, and the people were indeed subjected to "a jurisdiction foreign to their constitution" by these members of royalty.[2]

In 1765, Parliament passed an amendment to the Mutiny Act commonly referred to as the Quartering Act. It allowed soldiers stationed in the colonies to request shelter from any citizen, and created the punishment for refusal.[2]

In 1768, two citizens of Annapolis, in Maryland, died in a violent dispute against a group of Marines. The trial was controversial; and in the face of overwhelming evidence against them, the defendants were acquitted.[2]

In the years leading up to the American Revolution, the Navigation Acts had been passed to control trade with the colonies of Spain and France, hindering significant sources of revenue for the American colonists.[2]

In addition to the revenue taxes imposed from and were attempted to be collected utilizing writs of assistance, the Stamp Act was passed, and duties upon paper, painters' colors, glass, tea, and many other goods, were levied. This worsened tension between the colonists and the government, as most colonists believed that representation was needed as a justification for being taxed, and the Government was continually trying to pay off debt from the Seven Years' War.[18][2]

After these functionaries were driven from Boston in 1768, an act was passed which placed violations of the revenue laws under the jurisdiction of the admiralty courts, where the offenders were tried, but the prosecutors were biased towards the crown.[2]

On the fifteenth of April, 1774, Lord North introduced a bill in Parliament, entitled "A bill for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the laws, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England." This bill, known as the Administration of Justice Act, provided that in case any person indicted for murder in that province, or any other capital offence, or an indictment for riot, the resistance of the magistrate, or impeding the revenue laws in the smallest degree, he might, at the option of the Governor, or, in his absence, of the Lieutenant Governor, be taken to another colony, or transported from the colonies, for trial.

The bill met violent opposition in parliament. The minister seemed to be actuated more by a spirit of retaliation, than by a conviction of the necessity of such a measure. "We must show the Americans," said he, "that we will no longer sit quietly under their insults; and also, that even when roused, our measures are not cruel or vindictive, but necessary and efficacious." Colonel Barre denounced the bill in unmeasured terms. "This," said he, "is indeed the most extraordinary resolution that was ever heard in the Parliament of England. It offers new encouragement to military insolence, already so insupportable".[19]

The text of the bill contained the following:

In that case, it shall and may be lawful for the governor, or lieutenant-governor, to direct, with the advice and consent of the council, that the inquisition, indictment, or appeal, shall be tried in some other of his Majesty's colonies, or Great Britain.[20]

This refers to the Quebec Act of 1774 which expanded the use of French civil law in Quebec (as compared to English common law) and expanded Canadian borders into what is now the Midwestern states of the United States.[21]

This is a reiteration of a charge already considered, and refers to the alteration of the Massachusetts charter, to make judges and other officers independent of the people, and subservient to the crown. The governor was empowered to remove and appoint all inferior judges, the attorney-generals, provost-marshals, and justices of the peace, and to appoint sheriffs independent of the council. As the sheriffs chose jurors, trial by jury became mostly nonexistent. The people had hitherto been allowed, by their charter, to select jurors; now the entire matter was placed in the hands of the government.[2]

This, too, is another phase of the charge just considered. Suppression occurred of the Legislature of New York, and in several cases, the governors, after dissolving Colonial Assemblies, assumed the right to make proclamations stand in the place of statute law. Lord Dunmore assumed this right in 1775, and so did Sir James Wright of Georgia, and Lord William Campbell of South Carolina.[2]

In his message to Parliament early in 1775, George III declared the colonists to be in a state of open rebellion; and by sending armies to the Americas, he "abdicated government," by thus declaring them no longer under his protection. Shortly after, the Prohibitory Act was passed by Parliament. He sanctioned the acts of governors in employing Native Americans to quell his rebellion, and negotiated the hiring of German soldiers.[2]

John Adams said of the Prohibitory act: "It throws thirteen colonies out of the royal protection, levels all distinctions, and makes us independent in spite of our supplications and entreaties ... It may be fortunate that the act of independency should come from the British Parliament rather than the American Congress."[22]

Lord Dunmore ordered the seizure of several American merchant vessels, and several naval assaults were made upon the colonies, disrupting the goings on of life in the affected towns.[2][23]

The hiring of German soldiers for use against the Thirteen Colonies was seen as an outrage by the Americans.[24]

An act of Parliament passed toward the close of December 1775, authorized the capture of all American vessels, and also directed the treatment of the crews of armed vessels to be impressed and not kept prisoners of war.[25][26] This act was condemned on the floor of Parliament as unworthy of a Christian people, and "a refinement of cruelty unknown among savage nations."[2]

This was done in several instances. Dunmore was charged with a design to employ Amerindians (derogatorily called "savages") against the Virginians as early as 1774. Dunmore's Proclamation in November, 1775, encourage a slave rebellion against American masters. He was also concerned with Governor Gage and others, under instructions from the Government Ministry, in ordered the Shawnee, and other native inhabitants of the Ohio country, to fight against the Americans. Emissaries were also sent among the Cherokee and Muscogee for the same purpose; and all of the tribes of the Six Nations, except the Oneida, fought against the Americans when the war began.[2]

• Declaration of Rights and Grievances, a document written by the Stamp Act Congress and passed on October 14, 1765.
• 1768 Petition, Memorial, and Remonstrance
• Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress, a statement adopted by the First Continental Congress on October 14, 1774, in response to the Intolerable Acts.

1. ^ a b c d Jayne, Allen (2015). Jefferson's Declaration of Independence: Origins, Philosophy, and Theology. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 48 ff. ISBN 9780813148366.
2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Lossing, Benson John (1888). Our Country: A Household History for All Readers, from the Discovery of America to the Present Time, Volume 3. Appendix: Amies Publishing Company. p. 1-10.
3. ^ Natural Rights And The Founding Fathers - The Virginians, Washington and Lee Law Review
4. ^ Federalist No. 39, paragraph 2
5. ^ A Conversation with Steven Pincus, Harvard University
6. ^ Murrin, John M.; Johnson, Paul E.; McPherson, James M.; Fahs, Alice; Gerstle, Gary (2013). Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People, Volume I: To 1877, Concise Edition. Cengage Learning. p. 121. ISBN 9781285657516.
7. ^ Kollen, Richard (2004). Lexington: From Liberty's Birthplace to Progressive Suburb. Arcadia Publishing. p. 27. ISBN 9780738524658.
8. ^ Profiles in Colonial History
9. ^ The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People, Volume I
10. ^ Letter I
11. ^ History of New England: History of New England from the revolution of the seventeenth century to the revolution of the eighteenth, pp 457-458
12. ^ A Distinct Judicial Power: The Origins of an Independent Judiciary, 1606-1787, p. 84
13. ^ Independence of the Judges, 1773–1774
14. ^ Winsor, Justin (1887). "Narrative and Critical History of America: The United States of North America".
15. ^ Tea Party to Independence: The Third Phase of the American Revolution, 1773-1776
16. ^ Franklin, Benjamin. "Narrative of the Late Massacres". Founders Online. Retrieved 31 March 2020.
17. ^ "The Fortnightly Review". 34. 1880: 153. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
18. ^ "Seven Years' War"
19. ^ Lossing, Benson John (1870). Lives of the signers of the Declaration of American independence. Evans, Stoddart & Co. p. 292.
20. ^ The Colonization of North America, "Lord North's Coercive Policy"; by Herbert Eugene Bolton
21. ^ "Quebec Act, 1774 | the Canadian Encyclopedia".
22. ^ From John Adams to Horatio Gates, 23 March 1776
23. ^ Commodore Parker prepares for a naval strike on Charleston
24. ^ Adams, John (1776). "Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume: 3 January 1, 1746 - May 15, 1776". Letter to James Warren.
25. ^ British Naval Impressment and Atlantic Origins of the American Revolution
26. ^ Enter the Press-gang: Naval Impressment in Eighteenth-century British Literature

• An answer to the Declaration of the American Congress, by John Lind and Jeremy Bentham