Occupational stress and burnout between male and female police officers Are there any gender differences? William P. McCarty University of Nebraska-Omaha, Omaha, Nebraska, USA Jihong “Solomon” Zhao Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas, USA, and Brett E. Garland Missouri State University, Springfield, Missouri, USA Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore whether male and female police officers report different levels of occupational stress and burnout. Also, the research seeks to examine whether various factors that are purported to influence occupational stress and burnout have differential effects on male and female officers. Design/methodology/approach – Using a sample of police officers working in a large metropolitan department in the Northeast, the paper begins by using t-tests to make gender comparisons between the average levels of occupational stress and burnout between male and female officers. Next, separate multivariate analyses were run for male and female officers to determine how a set of independent variables measuring the work-environment, coping mechanisms, and other demographic characteristics affected the measures of occupational stress and burnout. Findings – The findings indicate that male and female officers did not report significantly different levels of occupational stress and burnout. Results of the separate multivariate analyses reveal that, although there are similar predictors of stress and burnout for male and female officers, differences did exist in the models, lending support to the assertion that the female officers may experience unique stressors in the police organization. The multivariate results also indicate that African-American female officers report significantly higher levels of burnout than other officers. Research limitations/implications – The current research adds to the knowledge about how levels and predictors of work-related stress and burnout compare between male and female police officers. The current study is limited by its focus on only one police department located in the Northeast. This may limit the generalizability of the results. Originality/value – The results of the study have implications for programs and policies that seek to prevent stress and burnout among police officers. The results of the current study indicate that a one-program-fits-all approach may not be the best way for departments to help officers to deal with stress and burnout, since male and female officers may not experience or deal with these issues in a similar fashion. Keywords Stress, Gender, Police Paper type Research paper The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www.emeraldinsight.com/1363-951X.htm This research did not receive any funding from any agency, grant, or other program. PIJPSM 30,4 672 Received 23 January 2007 Revised 23 June 2007 Accepted 30 June 2007 Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management Vol. 30 No. 4, 2007 pp. 672-691 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1363-951X DOI 10.1108/13639510710833938
Introduction Prior research on stress often suggests that police officers face a work environment that is commonly depicted as one of the most stressful occupations because officers can encounter violent criminals and crime scenes during the course of their daily work (Alkus and Padesky, 1983; Anshel, 2000; Violanti and Aron, 1994). Additionally, the police possess a great amount of discretion that requires them to make tough decisions about arresting certain individuals or even using deadly force (Crank and Caldero, 1991). Furthermore, the nature of the law enforcement organization is often identified as a primary source of work related stress in that it is characterized by impersonal rules and a rigid chain of command (Violanti and Aron, 1993). The consequences of job-related stress can ultimately lead to sickness, mood changes, and sleep disturbances in the short-term and perhaps even to cardiovascular disease and psychological disorders in the long-term. In the police profession, research studies have revealed that elevated levels of stress and associated burnout among police officers can decrease job performance (Goodman, 1990), increase alcohol use (Violanti et al., 1985), and severely hinder the ability to interact with members of the community (Kop et al., 1999; McCreedy, 1974). An important but often overlooked area of research concerns how work-related stress and burnout differ between male and female police officers (Thompson et al., 2005). This inattention to differences between male and female officers is problematic for two reasons. First, observations and conclusions based primarily on male officers may not be applicable to female officers. This is especially true when programs or policies are implemented that seek to alleviate stress or burnout among officers. As Morash and Haarr (1995), p. 132) observed, the circumstances related to general stress among female officers may be different than those faced by male officers. More specifically, female officers may be subjected to gender discrimination from male officers and supervisors, which may in turn increase their levels of stress and burnout (Martin, 1992). Haarr (1997), for example, found that female officers felt that their male partners provided inadequate backup and often questioned their abilities. This potential for female officers to be subjected to treatment of this nature necessitates equal attention be given to stress faced by both males and females. Since the passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act (EEOA) in 1972, women have represented a steadily growing percentage of the police force. In fact, females represented roughly 11 percent of all full-time sworn officers in the USA in 2003, marking a steady increase from approximately 8 percent in 1990 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006). Even though the number of female officers has increased, there has been little research focused specifically on work-related stress and burnout between male and female police officers, using the same measurement. Despite some exceptions, notably He et al. (2002) and Norvell et al. (1993), most of the prior studies on police stress either focus separately on male and female officers (Wexler and Logan, 1983) or overlook females completely (Kroes et al., 1974). The purpose of the current study is twofold. First, we will investigate how levels of work-related stress and burnout compare between male and female officers. Traditional measures of general stress suggest that females consistently demonstrate higher levels of physical and psychological stress (Derogatis and Savitz, 1999). However, there is no study to show if this finding can be applied to job-related stress and burnout as well. Second, we will run separate multivariate Are there any gender differences? 673
models for male and female officers that regress the measures of job-related stress and burnout on a variety of variables measuring different aspects of the work environment, coping mechanisms, and other demographic characteristics. These separate analyses will help determine if there are any gender differences in the predictors of work-related stress and burnout among law enforcement officers. Literature review Focusing on gender and its relationship to stress and burnout certainly is not a new endeavor in other occupational literature. A cursory look at the literature indicates that gender has been tied to general stress and burnout in the fields of manufacturing (Maki et al., 2005), corrections (Griffin, 2006), and even academia (O’Laughlin and Bischoff, 2005). Prior research suggests that males and females have different sources of stress, especially in occupations that have long been dominated by males, like some blue-collar industries (O’Farrell, 1980). It is certainly a plausible contention that the gender differences found in the sources of stress in other non-police-related occupations might also be found among male and female police officers. Precipitators of stress and burnout among police officers Before delving into the relationship between gender and work-related stress, prior research has highlighted four general stressors that may affect the levels of stress and burnout experienced by police officers. The four stressors that are most frequently focused upon in the literature are: (1) Stress from the work environment. (2) Bureaucratic characteristics of police organizations. (3) Availability of peer support and trust. (4) Accessibility of coping mechanisms. Stress from the work environment The first major source of stress identified in police work pertains to the unique work environment faced by officers. Referred to as inherent police work factors, these stressors involve elements of danger that are unique to the policing profession (Violanti and Aron, 1993). The danger associated with police work is often the focus of various surveys that ask officers to identify stressors and potential sources of burnout (Lazarus, 1981). For example, Violanti and Aron (1995) found that among a sample of full time sworn police officers in the state of New York, killing someone in the line of duty was the greatest stressor faced by the respondents. These findings are similar to those found by Spielberger et al. (1981). Violanti and Aron (1995) found that the second greatest stressor identified by officers was experiencing a fellow officer being killed. Furthermore, Dowler (2005) found that officers who experience frequent physical contact with suspects report heightened levels of burnout. Other examples of inherent police work factors include responding to a felony in progress or seeing a gruesome crime scene (Violanti and Aron, 1993). Thankfully, many of the aforementioned incidents, like killing someone in the line of duty or experiencing a fellow officer being killed, are not common experiences for police officers (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001). With this in mind, the potential for these dramatic events to occur creates an environment in which heightened stress and PIJPSM 30,4 674
burnout are distinct possibilities (Cullen et al., 1983). For this reason, violent and unpredictable incidents are often considered to be the primary sources of stress and burnout among police officers (He et al., 2002). The gender of the officer may also affect how these dangerous events affect work-related stress and burnout. For example, Goolkasian et al. (1985) discussed how female officers often feel additional pressure from their male colleagues to prove themselves on the job. Bureaucratic characteristics of police organizations The next source of stress among police officers involves the bureaucratic characteristics of the police organization itself. Symonds (1970) first made the distinction between stress that is caused by the nature of police work and stress that is due to the characteristics of the police organization. Violanti and Aron (1993) expanded upon this distinction by defining organizational stressors as those events precipitated by the police administration that are troubling or bothersome to members of the organization. For example, the bureaucratic nature of police organizations may make it difficult for officers to feel that they have sufficient input about changing the policies or procedures that they view as problematic or unfair (Coman and Evans, 1991). Other specific stressors found in the police organization include conflicting policies, poor supervision, and the potential for disciplinary actions to be taken against an officer (Kroes, 1985). The overall tension that exists between the great amount of discretion given to officers and the seemingly tight and endless litany of rules held by the police organization creates a work environment conducive to stress and burnout (He et al., 2002). The bureaucratic nature of the department may also affect work-related stress and burnout differently among male and female officers. For example, Ellison and Genz (1983) found that features of the work organization were particularly stressful for female officers. Availability of peer support and trust Prior research has often looked at the important role of peer support and trust among fellow officers and supervisors in mitigating stress and burnout in police work (Dignam et al., 1986; Morris et al., 1999). Generally speaking, support that originates within the work environment has been found to reduce negative outcomes, such as stress (Etzion, 1984). Support from within the organization may take on a greater level of salience in the realm of policing since officers depend on fellow officers to ensure their lives and safety (Graf, 1986). Consequently, officers may feel that the only people capable of understanding the strain and stress of police work may be their fellow officers. For this reason, strong levels of perceived peer support and trust among officers should help buffer the amount of stress and burnout experienced. Empirical research has supported this claim, finding that officers who express a high level of peer support report lower levels of stress (LaRocco et al., 1980; Morash et al., 2006). In regards to gender, Kirk-Brown et al. (1999) argued that policewomen may be more vulnerable to a lack of social support than their male counterparts due to their status as a minority group and the overall masculine nature of police work (see also Walker, 1985). Accessibility of coping mechanisms The final source that is closely associated with occupational stress involves the choice of various coping mechanisms used by male and female officers in an effort to reduce their levels of stress or burnout. Most researchers agree that only the conscious use of a Are there any gender differences? 675
cognitive or a behavioral strategy intended to reduce perceived levels of stress or strengthen a person’s ability to deal with stress reflects the coping process (Anshel, 2000; Evans et al., 1993). Individuals often choose to adopt two distinctively different approaches in an effort to cope with feelings of stress or burnout (Burke, 1993). The first approach involves positive coping strategies intended to strengthen relations with family members or establish a plan of action to deal with stressful events at work. Commonly utilized positive coping mechanisms may also include increased communication with a spouse or relative, exercise, or spiritual support through religion. The second approach to mitigating stress entails choosing one or more destructive coping strategies. For example, overly stressed or burned out individuals may isolate themselves from friends or family members, increase smoking, or increase consumption of alcohol. Prior research in the realm of police officer stress has suggested that alcohol is a commonly used coping mechanism that is related to the “demands” of policing (Kroes et al., 1974; Violanti et al., 1985). Overall, positive coping mechanisms are viewed to be the most appropriate way to decrease stress and avoid feelings of burnout. Additionally, it has been suggested that destructive coping strategies may further exacerbate levels of stress (Lazarus, 1990). Officers that use negative coping strategies face an increased likelihood of experiencing chronic stress that may ultimately result in loss of motivation, burnout, and an eventual withdrawal from police work (Hurrel, 1986; Maslach, 1976; Zhao et al., 2003). It has also been found that male and female officers may use different types of coping mechanisms (Haarr and Morash, 1999). The relationship between gender and levels of stress in policing In light of the potential to be subjected to an unfavorable organizational environment, it is expected that female officers should report higher overall levels of work-related stress than their male counterparts. More specifically, work-related stress refers to the physical or psychological tensions that result from job demands that exceed available resources (Cherniss, 1980). Research in other organizational contexts has shown that women consistently report higher levels of psychological and physical stress than their male co-workers (see Derogatis and Savitz, 1999). It is certainly plausible that the organizational environment in the law enforcement field may have a similar effect on levels of work-related stress reported by male and female officers. Additionally, research involving women working in other non-traditional occupations, like steel mills and mailrooms, has shown that females working in these environments may experience hostility that may elevate reported levels of stress (Walshok, 1981). Furthermore, research has also shown that males and females have different viewpoints on what is stressful (Stotland, 1991) and how to cope with stress when it becomes problematic (Barnett et al., 1987). These differences may also exist among law enforcement officers. While research in other fields has found gender differences in stress, what specifically about the policing profession can heighten feelings of stress and burnout among female officers? Three stressors that may disproportionately affect male and female officers deserve mentioning. First, as explained earlier, the police organization itself may be unfavorable to female officers. For example, sex discrimination due to the nature of police organization has been problematic in the history of American police departments (Walker, 1985). Similarly, irregular working hours may be particularly demanding for female officers who are the primary caregivers in the house (Potts, PIJPSM 30,4 676
1983). Although these explicit practices may have decreased since the passage of the EEOA in 1972, females may be subjected to discrimination in the hiring process that may linger when they are hired as officers (Potts, 1983). These realities may create perceptions of unfairness among female officers, which may subsequently increase their levels of stress. The unfair hiring practices may in fact be part of the second stressor, which involves the fact that policing has long been a male-dominated profession. This creates an environment in which male officers may not accept female officers as equals, regardless of the quality of their work (Weisheit, 1987). These perceptions of inequality may further manifest themselves through male officers putting down their female counterparts (Morash and Haarr, 1995) and explicitly questioning their abilities (Haarr, 1997). Female officers, in turn, may not feel a great deal of camaraderie with their fellow officers, which again may exacerbate levels of stress. Finally, male and female officers may handle the travails and problems unique to the law enforcement profession in a different manner. For example, Wexler and Logan (1983) suggested that female officers may be affected differently by the constant exposure to tragedy and trouble on the job. With these three reasons in mind, it is certainly plausible that the levels of work-related stress reported by male and female officers may be influenced differently by the stressors discussed earlier. Prior research, however, has been mixed concerning the levels of general stress among male and female police officers. For example, He et al. (2002) found that female officers reported significantly higher levels of psychological stress, in the forms of somatization and depression, than their male counterparts. Research conducted by Silbert (1982) also finds that female officers express higher overall levels of stress than male officers (see also Etzion, 1984; Jones and Fletcher, 1993 for similar findings about women in general). In contrast to these findings, a review of the literature also indicates various studies that find female officers to have similar if not lower levels of reported general stress than males. In a seminal piece concerning the relationship between gender and stress, Morash and Haarr (1995) found that although female officers experience unique stressors on the job, they do not report higher overall levels of stress than men. Findings of this nature have also been reported by Koenig (1978), Frye and Greenfield (1980), and Davis (1984). The relationship between gender and levels of burnout in policing The nature of the law enforcement profession can also increase the possibility of officers experiencing burnout. In contrast to work-related stress, burnout is defined as a prolonged response to continual emotional and interpersonal stressors at the workplace (Maslach et al., 2001, p. 397). Burnout, in essence, represents a serious condition that results from ill-managed stress (Garland, 2002). As Hawkins (2001) suggested, public service professions, like policing, involve constant interactions with people who have a wide array of needs and demands. Police officers, especially, interact with people in extremely stressful situations (Jespersen, 1988). These interactions also can be consistent over time, which may lead to officers experiencing symptoms of burnout. Burnout, in turn, can affect the quality of service provided by police officers in addition to affecting inter-personal relationships with family members and friends (Hawkins, 2001). Similar to the logic underlying the nexus between gender and stress, it is argued that female police officers may not have the social support within the organization to properly manage chronic stress in order to avoid symptoms of Are there any gender differences? 677
burnout (Thompson et al., 2005). A working environment characterized by feelings of unfairness and a lack of camaraderie among fellow officers may cause female officers to experience higher levels of burnout than their male counterparts. Gender differences in the levels of burnout reported by police officers have been found by various researchers. For example, Johnson (1991) found that female officers had elevated levels of emotional exhaustion, which represents one component of burnout. Similar findings concerning elevated levels of burnout among women were also reported by Etzion (1984), Westman and Etzion (1995), and Schaufeli and Enzmann (1998). The prior research, however, is not entirely consistent concerning this relationship. A review of the literature also finds research that reported similar levels of burnout between male and female officers. For example, in a study of Dutch police officers, Kop et al. (1999) found no difference in the levels of burnout between male and female officers. Furthermore, Hawkins (2001) found that female officers actually had lower levels of the depersonalization element of burnout than their male counterparts. The current study hopes to add to the existing body of literature in a variety of ways. First, we hope to add to the knowledge about how levels of work-related stress and burnout compare between male and female police officers. As discussed in the literature review, there is not a consensus about if the levels of work-related stress and burnout differ between male and female police officers. Second, it is hoped that the findings from this study could be used to help influence future endeavors that seek to decrease work-related stress and burnout among police officers. Methodology Data The data used in this study are from Gershon’s (1999) study titled Police Stress and Domestic Violence in Police Families in Baltimore, Maryland, 1997-1999 which was funded by the National Institute of Justice. The data were downloaded from the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research’s (ICPSR #2976) website. The purpose of Gershon’s (1999) study was to explore domestic violence in police families and determine whether it was related to stress. To this end, a five-page questionnaire was distributed to approximately 1,100 police officers representing all nine Baltimore precincts. The sampling strategy involved obtaining the number of sworn employees in each precinct on shift, attending roll calls for each shift in each of the nine precincts, and distributing questionnaires to all officers in attendance. This convenience sampling approach resulted in 1,100 officers who volunteered to participate in the study from a total of 2,500 full-time sworn officers who were in attendance during the morning and/or evening roll calls at each Baltimore precinct. The questionnaire addressed four major topics: (1) Symptoms of stress and likely stressors. (2) Perceived current stress. (3) Coping mechanisms utilized. (4) Health outcomes over the course of the past year. This effort in Baltimore was predicated, in part, on the passage of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which sought to promote research on stress among police officers. Many police departments, including Baltimore, have developed stress-reduction programs, but they are often individual-based and reactive (Gershon, PIJPSM 30,4 678
1999). The data were collected in an effort to develop organizational and preventive stress interventions in Baltimore and in other cities (see Gershon, 1999 for additional information). The Baltimore Police Department is a good site to study work-related stress and burnout for multiple reasons. First, it represents one of the largest local police departments in the USA. In 1997, the year in which these data began to be collected, it was the 8th largest department in the nation (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000). Second, the Baltimore Police Department reflects the typical law enforcement environment in large US cities in terms of crime rates and demographic diversity. Finally, the Baltimore Police Department represents a typical organizational structure of large law enforcement agencies regarding chain of command and division of labor. Variables in the analysis Dependent variables The current study analyzes two separate dependent variables. Work-related stress (e.g. I feeltiredatworkevenwithadequatesleep) entails immediate and daily responses to stressors experienced by police officers. The scale measuring work-related stress in Gershon’s (1999) survey was comprised of eight items and was adopted with modifications from the work-related stress instrument initially developed by Davis et al. (1988). The eight items included in Gershon’s (1999) survey and used in the current study are rated on a four-point scale from never (1) to always (4). The second dependent variable, burnout (e.g. I feel like I am on automatic pilot most of the time), is measured with a scale of four items using a five-point scale from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The full list of survey items contained in each scale can be found in the Appendix. Independent variables As discussed in the literature review, prior research has highlighted four general stressors that may affect the levels of stress and burnout experienced by police officers. Those four areas are: (1) Stress from the work environment. (2) Bureaucratic characteristics of police organizations. (3) Availability of peer support and trust. (4) Accessibility of coping mechanisms. To measure those four areas, this study includes five independent variables (scales) in two major categories involving: (1) Work environment (negative exposures during police work, perceptions of unfairness, and camaraderie among fellow officers). (2) Coping mechanisms. Three aspects of the work environment are considered. First, negative exposure is measured through a scale comprised of nine survey items each featuring a three-point Likert-type scale. The nine survey items attempt to capture the potentially dangerous and traumatic situations that officers can experience (e.g. shooting someone, responding to a bloody crime scene, attending a police funeral, etc.). Second, camaraderie among fellow officers is measured through the combination of two Are there any gender differences? 679
five-point Likert scale items that capture the quality of relationships and the level of support among officers (e.g. I can trust my work partner). Third, a scale of six five-point Likert questions measures perceptions of unfairness, which entail officers’ feelings about the type of treatment they receive both within the context of the police organization and from external sources, like the media (e.g. compared to my peers (same rank), I find that I am likely to be more criticized for my mistakes, media reports of alleged police wrong-doing are biased against us, etc.). This study also includes measures of both constructive and destructive coping strategies. Constructive coping is a measure of positive, productive, and active responses intended to deal with stress (e.g. talk with your spouse, relative or friend about the problem, make a plan of action and follow it, exercise regularly to reduce tension, etc.). Five questions, each featuring a four-point Likert-type scale, are combined to measure constructive coping. Destructive coping, in contrast, measures negative and avoidance techniques used to combat stress (e.g. stay away from everyone, smoke more to help you relax, hang out more with your fellow officers at a bar, etc.). Eight questions, each featuring a four-point Likert-type scale, are combined to measure destructive coping. The alpha values for the scales representing the five independent variables ranged from 0.53 (camaraderie) to 0.79 (negative exposure). The scales and their respective items and alpha values are listed in the Appendix. Control variables Five demographic variables are used in the analyses as control variables: ethnicity, marital status, educational status, rank, and years of service. It has been suggested that minority police officers may experience difficulty adjusting in a work environment traditionally dominated by White males (Haarr and Morash, 1999). Dowler (2005), for example, found that African American police officers were more likely to feel criticized than White officers. These realities may increase levels of stress and burnout among African American officers. Prior research has also suggested that marital status (Zhao et al., 2003) and educational status (Levy, 1967; Zhao et al., 2002) may influence levels of stress or burnout among police officers. Additionally, research studies suggest that stress may be experienced differently depending on the rank of officers and years of police service (see Brown and Campbell, 1990; Gudjonsson and Adlam, 1985). At the same time, it is important to note that several studies incorporate demographics in their analyses, but the effects of these characteristics on stress and burnout have often times been weak and inconsistent (e.g. He et al., 2002; Maslach, 1982; Morash et al., 2006; Zhao et al., 2003). Findings In this section, we first report the descriptive statistics followed by the results of the multivariate analyses. Our first research question examines the levels of work-related stress and burnout reported between male and female officers in the Baltimore Police Department. The results of a comparison of male and female officers are set forth in Table I. In addition, t-tests were performed to find if there are significant differences in levels of work-related stress and burnout between male and female samples. The means of the first dependent variable, work-related stress indicate that female officers reported a slightly higher level of work-related stress (13.58) than their male counterparts (13.47). In contrast to the work-related stress findings, male officers PIJPSM 30,4 680
expressed higher levels of burnout (10.61) than their female counterparts (10.13) in the Baltimore Police Department. However, neither of these differences is statistically significant. The results reported here diverge from He et al.’s (2002) findings that there were significant differences in three dimensions of general stress between male and female officers (i.e. somatization, anxiety, and depression). The descriptive statistics for the independent and control variables are also shown in Table I with a comparison between male and female officers. The survey sample includes 943 male officers and 157 female officers. For the work environment and coping variables, male officers reported a higher level of negative exposures (1.34 to 1.22), camaraderie (3.62 to 3.44), unfairness (3.04 to 2.81), and destructive coping mechanisms (1.56 to 1.50) than female officers. In this sample, females did express higher levels of constructive coping mechanisms (2.66) than their male counterparts (2.35). Among male officers, 643 identified themselves as White (72 percent) and 253 officers identified themselves as African American (28 percent). Very few respondents, among both males and females, identified themselves in the other racial categories. For this reason, percentages for the ethnicity variable are based on only White and African American officers. The majority of male officers (64 percent) are married. Additionally, 278 male officers have at least a college degree (30 percent). Among the male survey Variables Males Females Mean SD Mean SD Dependent * Work-related stress 13.47 3.93 13.58 4.25 Burnout 10.61 3.10 10.13 2.99 Independent Work environment Negative exposures 1.34 0.65 1.22 0.61 Camaraderie 3.62 0.80 3.44 0.84 Unfairness 3.04 0.66 2.81 0.62 Coping Constructive coping 2.35 0.60 2.66 0.57 Destructive coping 1.56 0.33 1.50 0.32 Demographic Years of service 11.91 9.67 9.14 6.05 n % n % Ethnicity White ¼ 0 643 71.8 51 33.3 African-American ¼ 1 253 28.2 102 66.7 Marriage Not married ¼ 0 341 36.2 99 63.9 Married ¼ 1 601 63.8 56 36.1 Education Less than BA ¼ 0 658 70.3 108 69.2 BA and greater ¼ 1 278 29.7 48 30.8 Rank Supervisor ¼ 0 184 19.5 18 11.5 Officer ¼ 1 758 80.5 138 88.5 Note: * The differences between male and female work-related stress and male and female burnout were not found to be statistically significant at the 0.05 level Table I. Descriptive statistics for male and female officers Are there any gender differences? 681
respondents, 758 stated their rank as officer (80 percent) while 184 stated their ranks as sergeant or higher. The average length of service for the male officers is about 12 years. In the female officer sample, 51 identified themselves as White (33 percent) while 102 identified themselves as African American (67 percent). Unlike their male counterparts, the majority of female officers are single (64 percent). Additionally, 48 female officers have at least a college degree (31 percent). A vast majority of the female survey respondents (89 percent) stated their rank as officer while only 11 percent stated their ranks as sergeant or higher. The average length of service for female officers is about nine years. Our second research question involves running separate multivariate analyses for male and female officers to determine if there are any gender differences in the predictors of work-related stress and burnout. The findings of the work-related stress analyses are reported in Table II, and the male and female results are reported to allow easy comparisons across the two models. Both the unstandardized and standardized (beta) coefficients are reported to indicate the relative importance of each independent variable to the equations for work-related stress and burnout. In the male officer sample, the results of the regression analysis indicate that all five independent variables measuring work environment and coping strategies have a statistically significant effect on the level of work-related stress. For example, three variables that tap into the negative experiences with work, negative exposures (e.g. tragic accident, making violent arrest, etc), unfairness (e.g. more likely to be criticized), and destructive coping (e.g. drinking, smoking, and gambling) are positively associated with the level of work-related stress among male officers. In contrast, the variables representing camaraderie (mutual support and corporation) and positive coping (e.g. exercise regularly, make a plan, etc.) are negatively related to work-related stress. The analysis of the female sample shows a similar pattern of significant predictors except for two insignificant variables, negative exposures and constructive coping. Overall, beta coefficients from the two models shown in Table II indicate that destructive coping contributes most to the work-related stress, followed by unfairness. The Adjusted R-square measure for the male officer model is moderate (0.34) while it is relatively high for the female officer model (0.43). In addition, none of the demographic variables are statistically significant. The results from the analysis of burnout are displayed in Table III. In these two models, the variable representing work-related stress is added as an intermediate factor because it is hypothesized that work-related stress can lead to burnout. The first two columns report the coefficients of variables for the male sample. Similar to the analysis of work-related stress, the coefficients of the variables clearly suggest that there is striking stability in the male sample. All five independent variables that were significant in work-related stress model are significant and the signs of these variables remain the same. It is important to note that this stability of coefficients comes after the variable, work-related stress, is included in the current model. The Adjusted R-square of the model (0.43) is higher than the previous model in Table II (0.34). This finding suggests work-related stress does have a significant and independent effect on the level of burnout among male police officers participated in the survey. Again, none of the demographic variables are significant. A similar pattern of results is also shown in the female sample, except for two variables. First, the variable representing negative exposure becomes a significant predictor of burnout in the female officer sample, while unfairness fails to achieve PIJPSM 30,4 682
statistical significance in the model. Second, like their male counterparts, constructive coping has a negative and significant effect on burnout. The negative sign of constructive coping and positive sign of negative coping highlight the importance of coping mechanisms in handling employee burnout. One of the demographic variables, ethnicity, is positively associated with burnout, indicating that African American Males Females Variables b b b b Work environment Negative exposures 0.674 0.109 * 1.444 0.191 Camaraderie 2 0.810 2 0.164 * 2 0.826 2 0.151 * Unfairness 1.073 0.181 * 1.292 0.183 * Coping Constructive coping 2 0.722 2 0.108 * 2 0.660 2 0.085 Destructive coping 4.333 0.356 * 5.913 0.440 * Demographic Ethnicity 2 0.192 2 0.022 0.064 0.007 Marriage 0.047 0.006 0.791 0.089 Education 0.044 0.005 0.591 0.063 Rank 0.385 0.039 1.247 0.096 Years of service 0.015 0.037 0.062 0.084 Intercept 6.747 2.057 Adjusted R 2 0.34 * 0.43 * Note: * p , 0:05 Table II. Work-related stress regression analyses for male (n ¼ 943) and female (n ¼ 157) officers Males Females Variables b b b b Work environment Negative exposures 0.557 0.111 * 1.206 0.235 * Camaraderie 2 0.431 2 0.107 * 2 0.665 2 0.179 * Unfairness 0.738 0.153 * 0.153 0.032 Work-related stress ** 0.284 0.351 * 0.260 0.382 * Coping Constructive coping 2 0.630 2 0.117 * 2 0.898 2 0.170 * Destructive coping 1.755 0.179 * 0.693 0.076 * Demographic Ethnicity 0.384 0.054 1.253 0.205 * Marriage 0.269 0.041 2 0.264 2 0.044 Education 2 0.344 2 0.050 2 0.847 2 0.132 Rank 0.209 0.040 0.556 0.063 Years of service 2 0.022 2 0.067 0.003 0.006 Intercept 3.897 6.725 Adjusted R 2 0.43 * 0.47 * Note: * p , 0:05; ** Since prior research suggests that stress can ultimately lead to burnout, work-related stress was included as an independent variable in the burnout analyses Table III. Burnout regression analyses for male (n ¼ 943) and female (n ¼ 157) officers Are there any gender differences? 683
female officers have higher levels of burnout than their white female counterparts. Finally, the Adjusted R -square for the model is quite impressive at 0.47. Discussion and conclusion The purpose of this study was twofold. First, we intended to compare the overall levels of work-related stress and burnout reported by male and female officers. Although slight differences were found in the measures of work-related stress and burnout across gender, they failed to achieve statistical significance. This indicates that in this sample, the levels of work-related stress and burnout reported by female officers were not significantly different than those reported by male officers. Although these findings may seem surprising given that female officers may face a more stressful organizational environment, prior research has indicated that the levels of stress and burnout reported by male and female officers have often times been similar (see Davis, 1984; Frye and Greenfield, 1980; Hawkins, 2001; Koenig, 1978; Kop et al., 1999; Morash and Haarr, 1995). Second, we ran separate multivariate analyses for male and female officers on both the work-related stress and burnout dependent variables. We wanted to determine if there were any gender differences in the predictors of work-related stress and burnout among law enforcement officers. Multiple differences were detected across the models. For example, the ethnicity variable was significant in the female officer burnout model indicating that African American female officers report higher levels of burnout than their White female counterparts. The ethnicity variable was not a significant predictor of burnout among the sample of male officers. An additional difference between male and female officers was detected in comparing the work-related stress models. It is interesting to note that although the female officer model has three significant variables (compared to the male model with five significant variables), the Adjusted R- square for the female model was significantly higher than the male model (0.43 to 0.34). This may suggest that there are relatively few key factors that are related to work-related stress among female officers but these variables are highly crucial after controlling for other effects. Differences also exist between the predictors of work-related stress and burnout. For example, the negative exposures variable was a significant predictor of burnout among female officers, but it was not a significant predictor of work-related stress among female officers. This may indicate that making a violent arrest, attending a police funeral, or the possibility of shooting someone may have a more profound and long-lasting effect on female officers, creating a sense of burnout, as opposed to a short-term effect, as measured by the work-related stress variable. While differences were detected between the predictors of male and female officer work-related stress, similarities also existed. For example, beta coefficients indicate that destructive coping mechanisms and perceptions of unfairness were the most important predictors of work-related stress for both male and female officers. Additionally, work-related stress was the most important predictor of burnout for both male and female officers. In addition to the previously mentioned findings, we would like to focus on two additional points of discussion. First, we would like to stress the importance of the finding that the ethnicity variable was a significant predictor of burnout only among female officers. Morash and Haarr (1995) did find that black female officers had significantly higher levels of stress than black male officers. At this point, however, we are not aware of another study, other than the current research, that has found a similar pattern for burnout. Holder et al. (2000) argued that minority female officers may be subjected to PIJPSM 30,4 684
“triple jeopardy” on the job. In other words, they may experience elements of racism similar to minority male officers, elements of sexism similar to white female officers, but they also experience unique problems as both female and minority officers. This current finding that the ethnicity variable was a significant predictor of burnout only among female officers may be a manifestation of this idea of “triple jeopardy”. While prior research has certainly explored the independent effects of gender (e.g. He et al., 2002) and race (e.g. Dowler, 2005), future research should perhaps be more focused on how gender and race intersect to affect stress and burnout among police officers. The findings also have implications for possible program and policy developments seeking to prevent stress and burnout among minority female police officers. Exploring the original data set, of all the gender and ethnicity dyads possible (African American men, White men, African American women, White women), African American women have the lowest overall average rating on the camaraderie variable. Perhaps this is evidence that mentoring programs, focused on minority female officers, would be a viable way to help bolster camaraderie in the short-term in addition to help decrease burnout in the long-term. A mentoring relationship is advantageous in that the mentor has a great deal of knowledge about the job and the working conditions associated with a profession in addition to understanding the “politics” of an organization (Gibb, 1999). In this sense, a mentoring program could help young minority female officers develop relationships within the police organization thereby facilitating some level of camaraderie and providing the officer with someone to talk to about the rigors of the job. This finding may also be further evidence that a one program fits all approach to prevent stress and burnout among police officers may not be the best policy. Certain groups of officers may need different services and programs that are conscious of the fact that the law enforcement profession may affect males and females of different races and ethnicities in different ways. Our second point of discussion extends upon the prior research of Herzberg (1968). Based on his findings, Herzberg (1968) concluded that job satisfaction is associated with the factors intrinsic to the characteristics of one’s job. The experience an employee has at the workplace determines his/her level of job satisfaction, not the demographic characteristics such as age, educational attainment, etc. We view the current study as an extension of Herzberg’s argument about the relationship between employees’ experiences at workplace and their psychological well-beings by examining the other side of the coin – the impact of work environment on occupational stress among a particular group: police officers. The findings show that inherent work-related factors are much more important predictors of work-related stress and burnout than the demographic variables included in the analysis. This finding applies to both male and female officer samples. With the exception of the ethnicity variable in the female burnout model, none of the demographic variables were significant predictors of work-related stress or burnout. This finding supports Herzberg’s (1968) theory concerning the importance of the work environment. More specifically, the hazardous work environment in policing, the overly-rigid rules, and strained relationships with co-workers can create high levels of job dissatisfaction among employees. It is certainly plausible that these similar conditions could also heighten feelings of work-related stress and burnout among both male and female officers. Even though male and female officers may share similar areas of experience with the work environment in terms of perceptions of danger, unfairness, and low levels of camaraderie, gender still has the Are there any gender differences? 685
potential to affect how those perceptions are ultimately dealt with as they pertain to feelings of work-related stress and burnout (see Morash and Haarr, 1995). In closing, three important limitations of this research must be noted. First, the analyses were conducted on a sample of one large police department located on the east coast. Although the enormity of the Baltimore Police Department and its similarity to other large departments make this an interesting site in which to analyze occupational stress and burnout, it is difficult to generalize the results to all departments, particularly small ones in the United States. Additional research attempting to understand the predictors of male and female officer stress in other departments would be beneficial. Second, the fact that Gershon (1999) used a convenience sampling approach must be considered a limitation. Although a high percentage of officers completed the survey, the lack of a rigorous sampling strategy may have resulted in a group of respondents not wholly representative of female officers in Baltimore or of the entire department in general. Third, although a sizable number of male (n ¼ 943) and female (n ¼ 157) officers were included in the sample, it would be advantageous to have even greater numbers from more diverse locations in future research concerning the relationship between gender and police officer stress and burnout. References Alkus, S. and Padesky, C. (1983), “Special problems of police officers: stress-related issues and interventions”, Counseling Psychologist, Vol. 11, pp. 55-64. Anshel, M.H. (2000), “A conceptual model and implications for coping with stressful events in police work”, Criminal Justice and Behavior, Vol. 27, pp. 375-400. Barnett, R.C., Niener, L. and Baruch, G.K. (1987), Gender and Stress, The Free Press, New York, NY. Brown, J.A. and Campbell, E.A. (1990), “Sources of occupational stress in the police”, Work and Stress, Vol. 4 No. 4, pp. 305-18. Bureau of Justice Statistics (2000), Local Police Departments 1997, Office of Justice Programs, NCJ 173429, United States Department of Justice, Washington, DC,. Bureau of Justice Statistics (2001), Policing and Homicide, 1976-1998: Justifiable Homicide by Police, Police Officers Murdered by Felons, Office of Justice Programs, United States Department of Justice, NCJ 180987, Washington, DC. Bureau of Justice Statistics (2006), Local Police Departments, 2003, Office of Justice Programs, United States Department of Justice, NCJ 210118, Washington, DC. Burke, R.J. (1993), “Work-family stress, conflict, coping and burnout in police officers”, Stress Medicine, Vol. 9, pp. 171-80. Cherniss, C. (1980), Staff Burnout: Job Stress in the Human Services, Sage Publications, Beverly Hills, CA. Coman, G. and Evans, B. (1991), “Stressors facing Australian police in the 1990s”, Stress Medicine, Vol. 9, pp. 171-80. Crank, J.P. and Caldero, M. (1991), “The production of occupational stress in medium-sized police agencies: a survey of line officers in eight municipal departments”, Journal of Criminal Justice, Vol. 19, pp. 339-49. Cullen, B.G., Link, B.G., Lawrence, F.T. and Lemming, T. (1983), “Paradox in policing: a note on perceptions of danger”, Journal of Police Science Administration, Vol. 11, pp. 457-62. PIJPSM 30,4 686
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Morris, A., Shinn, M. and DuMont, K. (1999), “Contextual factors affecting the organizational commitment of diverse police officers: levels of analysis perspective”, American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 27, pp. 75-105. Norvell, N.K., Hills, H.A. and Murrin, M.R. (1993), “Understanding stress in female and male law enforcement officers”, Psychology of Women Quarterly, Vol. 17, pp. 289-301. O’Farrell, B. (1980), Women and Traditional Blue-collar Jobs: A Case Study of Local 1,US Department of Labor, Employment, and Training Administration, Washington, DC. O’Laughlin, E.M. and Bischoff, L.G. (2005), “Balancing parenthood and academia: work/family stress as influenced by gender and tenure status”, Journal of Family Issues, Vol. 26 No. 1, pp. 79-106. Potts, L.W. (1983), “Equal employment opportunity and female employment in police agencies”, Journal of Criminal Justice, Vol. 11, pp. 505-23. Schaufeli, W.B. and Enzmann, D. (1998), The Burnout Companion to Study and Practice: A Critical Analysis, Taylor & Francis, London. Silbert, M.H. (1982), “Job stress and burnout and new police officers”, Police Chief, Vol. 49 No. 6, pp. 46-68. Spielberger, C., Westbury, L., Grier, K. and Greefield, G. (1981), The Police Stress Survey: Sources of Stress in Law Enforcement, Human Resources Institute, Tampa, FL. Stotland, E. (1991), “The effects of police work and professional relationships on health”, Journal of Criminal Justice, Vol. 19, pp. 371-9. Symonds, M. (1970), “Emotional hazards of police work”, American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Vol. 30, pp. 155-60. Thompson, B.M., Kirk, A. and Brown, D.F. (2005), “Work based support, emotional exhaustion, and spillover of work stress to the family environment: a study of policewomen”, Stress and Health, Vol. 21, pp. 199-207. Violanti, J.M. and Aron, F. (1993), “Sources of police stressors, job attitudes, and psychological distress”, Psychological Reports, Vol. 72, pp. 899-904. Violanti, J.M. and Aron, F. (1994), “Ranking police stressors”, Psychological Reports, Vol. 75, pp. 824-6. Violanti, J.M. and Aron, F. (1995), “Police stressors: variations in perception among police personnel”, Journal of Criminal Justice, Vol. 23 No. 3, pp. 287-94. Violanti, J.M., Marshall, J.R. and Howe, B. (1985), “Stress, coping, and alcohol use: the police connection”, Journal of Police Science and Administration, Vol. 13 No. 2, pp. 106-10. Walker, S. (1985), “Racial minority and female employment in policing: the implications of glacial change”, Crime and Delinquency, Vol. 31, pp. 555-72. Walshok, M.L. (1981), Blue Collar Women: Pioneers on the Male Frontier, Doubleday, Garden City, NY. Weisheit, R.A. (1987), “Women in the state police: concerns of male and female officers”, Journal of Police Science and Administration, Vol. 15, pp. 137-44. Westman, M. and Etzion, D. (1995), “Crossover of stress, strain and resources from one spouse to another”, Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 16, pp. 169-81. Wexler, J.G. and Logan, D.D. (1983), “Sources of stress among women police officers”, Journal of Police Administration, Vol. 11, pp. 264-74. Zhao, J., He, N. and Lovrich, N. (2002), “Predicting five dimensions of police officer stress: looking more deeply into organizational settings for sources of police stress”, Police Quarterly, Vol. 5, pp. 43-62. Are there any gender differences? 689
Zhao, J., He, N., Lovrich, N. and Cancino, J. (2003), “Marital status and police occupational stress”, Journal of Crime and Justice, Vol. 26 No. 2, pp. 23-46. Appendix Composite index construction Dependent variables:. Work-related stress (alpha ¼ 0.86): Questions: How often are the following statements true? . I feel tired at work even with adequate sleep. . I am moody, irritable, or impatient over small problems. . I want to withdraw from the constant demands on my time and energy from work. . I feel negative, futile or depressed about work. . I think I am not as efficient at work as I should be. . My resistance to illness is lowered because of my work. . My interest in doing fun activities is lowered because of my work. . I have difficulty concentrating on my job. Response categories are: 1 (never), 2 (sometimes), 3 (frequently), 4 (always) Burnout (alpha ¼ 0.73): Questions: Please check the box that best describes how much you agree with the following statements: . I feel like I am on automatic pilot most of the time. . I feel like I need to take control of the people in my life. . I feel burned out from my job. . I feel like I am at the end of my rope. Original responses are from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Categories have been reverse coded in the current study. Independent variables:. Negative exposures (alpha ¼ 0.79): Questions: If you have ever experienced any of the following, please indicate how much it emotionally affected you. Please check N/A if you have not experienced it. . Making a violent arrest. . Shooting someone. . Being the subject of an IID investigation. . Responding to a call related to a chemical spill. . Responding to a bloody crime scene. . Personally knowing the victim. . Being involved in a hostage situation. . Attending a police funeral. . Experiencing a needle stick injury or other exposure to blood and body fluids. Response categories are: 0 (N/A), 1 (not at all), 2 (a little), and 3 (very much). Camaraderie (alpha ¼ 0.53): Questions: Please check the box that best describes how much you agree with the following statements: . There is good and effective cooperation between units. . I can trust my work partner. PIJPSM 30,4 690
Original response categories are from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Categories have been reverse coded in current study. Unfairness (alpha ¼ 0.60): Questions: Please check the box that best describes how much you agree with the following statements: . Compared to my peers (same rank), I find that I am likely to be more criticized for my mistakes. . I feel that I am less likely to get chosen for certain assignments because of “who I am” (e.g. race, gender, sexual orientation, physical characteristics). . Within the department, gender related jokes are often made in my presence. . When I am assertive or question the way things are done, I am considered militant. . Media reports of alleged police wrong-doing are biased against us. . The department tends to be more lenient in enforcing rules and regulations for female officers. Original response categories are from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Categories have been reverse coded in current study. Constructive coping (alpha ¼ 0.66): Questions: When dealing with stressful events at work, how often do you: . Talk with your spouse, relative or friend about the problem. . Pray for guidance and strength. . Make a plan of action and follow it. . Exercise regularly to reduce tension. . Rely on your faith in God to see you through this rough time? Response categories are from 1 (never) to 4 (always). Destructive coping (alpha ¼ 0.57): Questions: When dealing with stressful events at work, how often do you: . Stay away from everyone, you want to be alone. . Smoke more to help you relax. . Yell or shout at your spouse/significant other, a family member, or a professional. . Let your feelings out by smashing things. . Hang out more with your fellow officers at a bar. . Gamble. . Increase your sexual activity. . Try to act as if nothing is bothering you? Response categories are from 1 (never) to 4 (always). Corresponding author William P. McCarty can be contacted at: Are there any gender differences? 691 To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints |
According to research, what subgroup was more likely to use constructive coping relating to stress?
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