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Occupational stress and burnout
between male and female
police officers
Are there any gender differences?
William P. McCarty
University of Nebraska-Omaha, Omaha, Nebraska, USA
Jihong “Solomon” Zhao
Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas, USA, and
Brett E. Garland
Missouri State University, Springfield, Missouri, USA
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore whether male and female police officers report
different levels of occupational stress and burnout. Also, the research seeks to examine whether
various factors that are purported to influence occupational stress and burnout have differential effects
on male and female officers.
Design/methodology/approach – Using a sample of police officers working in a large
metropolitan department in the Northeast, the paper begins by using t-tests to make gender
comparisons between the average levels of occupational stress and burnout between male and female
officers. Next, separate multivariate analyses were run for male and female officers to determine how a
set of independent variables measuring the work-environment, coping mechanisms, and other
demographic characteristics affected the measures of occupational stress and burnout.
Findings – The findings indicate that male and female officers did not report significantly different
levels of occupational stress and burnout. Results of the separate multivariate analyses reveal that,
although there are similar predictors of stress and burnout for male and female officers, differences did
exist in the models, lending support to the assertion that the female officers may experience unique
stressors in the police organization. The multivariate results also indicate that African-American
female officers report significantly higher levels of burnout than other officers.
Research limitations/implications – The current research adds to the knowledge about how
levels and predictors of work-related stress and burnout compare between male and female police
officers. The current study is limited by its focus on only one police department located in the
Northeast. This may limit the generalizability of the results.
Originality/value – The results of the study have implications for programs and policies that seek
to prevent stress and burnout among police officers. The results of the current study indicate that a
one-program-fits-all approach may not be the best way for departments to help officers to deal with
stress and burnout, since male and female officers may not experience or deal with these issues in a
similar fashion.
Keywords Stress, Gender, Police
Paper type Research paper
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1363-951X.htm
This research did not receive any funding from any agency, grant, or other program.
PIJPSM
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Received 23 January 2007
Revised 23 June 2007
Accepted 30 June 2007
Policing: An International Journal of
Police Strategies & Management
Vol. 30 No. 4, 2007
pp. 672-691
q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1363-951X
DOI 10.1108/13639510710833938
Introduction
Prior research on stress often suggests that police officers face a work environment
that is commonly depicted as one of the most stressful occupations because officers can
encounter violent criminals and crime scenes during the course of their daily work
(Alkus and Padesky, 1983; Anshel, 2000; Violanti and Aron, 1994). Additionally, the
police possess a great amount of discretion that requires them to make tough decisions
about arresting certain individuals or even using deadly force (Crank and Caldero,
1991). Furthermore, the nature of the law enforcement organization is often identified
as a primary source of work related stress in that it is characterized by impersonal
rules and a rigid chain of command (Violanti and Aron, 1993). The consequences of
job-related stress can ultimately lead to sickness, mood changes, and sleep
disturbances in the short-term and perhaps even to cardiovascular disease and
psychological disorders in the long-term. In the police profession, research studies have
revealed that elevated levels of stress and associated burnout among police officers can
decrease job performance (Goodman, 1990), increase alcohol use (Violanti et al., 1985),
and severely hinder the ability to interact with members of the community (Kop et al.,
1999; McCreedy, 1974).
An important but often overlooked area of research concerns how work-related
stress and burnout differ between male and female police officers (Thompson et al.,
2005). This inattention to differences between male and female officers is problematic
for two reasons. First, observations and conclusions based primarily on male officers
may not be applicable to female officers. This is especially true when programs or
policies are implemented that seek to alleviate stress or burnout among officers. As
Morash and Haarr (1995), p. 132) observed, the circumstances related to general stress
among female officers may be different than those faced by male officers. More
specifically, female officers may be subjected to gender discrimination from male
officers and supervisors, which may in turn increase their levels of stress and burnout
(Martin, 1992). Haarr (1997), for example, found that female officers felt that their male
partners provided inadequate backup and often questioned their abilities. This
potential for female officers to be subjected to treatment of this nature necessitates
equal attention be given to stress faced by both males and females.
Since the passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act (EEOA) in 1972,
women have represented a steadily growing percentage of the police force. In fact,
females represented roughly 11 percent of all full-time sworn officers in the USA in
2003, marking a steady increase from approximately 8 percent in 1990 (Bureau of
Justice Statistics, 2006). Even though the number of female officers has increased, there
has been little research focused specifically on work-related stress and burnout
between male and female police officers, using the same measurement. Despite some
exceptions, notably He et al. (2002) and Norvell et al. (1993), most of the prior studies on
police stress either focus separately on male and female officers (Wexler and Logan,
1983) or overlook females completely (Kroes et al., 1974).
The purpose of the current study is twofold. First, we will investigate how levels of
work-related stress and burnout compare between male and female officers.
Traditional measures of general stress suggest that females consistently
demonstrate higher levels of physical and psychological stress (Derogatis and
Savitz, 1999). However, there is no study to show if this finding can be applied to
job-related stress and burnout as well. Second, we will run separate multivariate
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models for male and female officers that regress the measures of job-related stress and
burnout on a variety of variables measuring different aspects of the work environment,
coping mechanisms, and other demographic characteristics. These separate analyses
will help determine if there are any gender differences in the predictors of work-related
stress and burnout among law enforcement officers.
Literature review
Focusing on gender and its relationship to stress and burnout certainly is not a new
endeavor in other occupational literature. A cursory look at the literature indicates that
gender has been tied to general stress and burnout in the fields of manufacturing (Maki
et al., 2005), corrections (Griffin, 2006), and even academia (O’Laughlin and Bischoff,
2005). Prior research suggests that males and females have different sources of stress,
especially in occupations that have long been dominated by males, like some
blue-collar industries (O’Farrell, 1980). It is certainly a plausible contention that the
gender differences found in the sources of stress in other non-police-related occupations
might also be found among male and female police officers.
Precipitators of stress and burnout among police officers
Before delving into the relationship between gender and work-related stress, prior
research has highlighted four general stressors that may affect the levels of stress and
burnout experienced by police officers. The four stressors that are most frequently
focused upon in the literature are:
(1) Stress from the work environment.
(2) Bureaucratic characteristics of police organizations.
(3) Availability of peer support and trust.
(4) Accessibility of coping mechanisms.
Stress from the work environment
The first major source of stress identified in police work pertains to the unique work
environment faced by officers. Referred to as inherent police work factors, these
stressors involve elements of danger that are unique to the policing profession (Violanti
and Aron, 1993). The danger associated with police work is often the focus of various
surveys that ask officers to identify stressors and potential sources of burnout
(Lazarus, 1981). For example, Violanti and Aron (1995) found that among a sample of
full time sworn police officers in the state of New York, killing someone in the line of
duty was the greatest stressor faced by the respondents. These findings are similar to
those found by Spielberger et al. (1981). Violanti and Aron (1995) found that the second
greatest stressor identified by officers was experiencing a fellow officer being killed.
Furthermore, Dowler (2005) found that officers who experience frequent physical
contact with suspects report heightened levels of burnout. Other examples of inherent
police work factors include responding to a felony in progress or seeing a gruesome
crime scene (Violanti and Aron, 1993).
Thankfully, many of the aforementioned incidents, like killing someone in the line of
duty or experiencing a fellow officer being killed, are not common experiences for
police officers (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001). With this in mind, the potential for
these dramatic events to occur creates an environment in which heightened stress and
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burnout are distinct possibilities (Cullen et al., 1983). For this reason, violent and
unpredictable incidents are often considered to be the primary sources of stress and
burnout among police officers (He et al., 2002). The gender of the officer may also affect
how these dangerous events affect work-related stress and burnout. For example,
Goolkasian et al. (1985) discussed how female officers often feel additional pressure
from their male colleagues to prove themselves on the job.
Bureaucratic characteristics of police organizations
The next source of stress among police officers involves the bureaucratic characteristics
of the police organization itself. Symonds (1970) first made the distinction between stress
that is caused by the nature of police work and stress that is due to the characteristics of
the police organization. Violanti and Aron (1993) expanded upon this distinction by
defining organizational stressors as those events precipitated by the police administration
that are troubling or bothersome to members of the organization. For example, the
bureaucratic nature of police organizations may make it difficult for officers to feel that
they have sufficient input about changing the policies or procedures that they view as
problematic or unfair (Coman and Evans, 1991). Other specific stressors found in the
police organization include conflicting policies, poor supervision, and the potential for
disciplinary actions to be taken against an officer (Kroes, 1985). The overall tension that
exists between the great amount of discretion given to officers and the seemingly tight
and endless litany of rules held by the police organization creates a work environment
conducive to stress and burnout (He et al., 2002). The bureaucratic nature of the
department may also affect work-related stress and burnout differently among male and
female officers. For example, Ellison and Genz (1983) found that features of the work
organization were particularly stressful for female officers.
Availability of peer support and trust
Prior research has often looked at the important role of peer support and trust among
fellow officers and supervisors in mitigating stress and burnout in police work (Dignam
et al., 1986; Morris et al., 1999). Generally speaking, support that originates within the
work environment has been found to reduce negative outcomes, such as stress (Etzion,
1984). Support from within the organization may take on a greater level of salience in the
realm of policing since officers depend on fellow officers to ensure their lives and safety
(Graf, 1986). Consequently, officers may feel that the only people capable of
understanding the strain and stress of police work may be their fellow officers. For
this reason, strong levels of perceived peer support and trust among officers should help
buffer the amount of stress and burnout experienced. Empirical research has supported
this claim, finding that officers who express a high level of peer support report lower
levels of stress (LaRocco et al., 1980; Morash et al., 2006). In regards to gender, Kirk-Brown
et al. (1999) argued that policewomen may be more vulnerable to a lack of social support
than their male counterparts due to their status as a minority group and the overall
masculine nature of police work (see also Walker, 1985).
Accessibility of coping mechanisms
The final source that is closely associated with occupational stress involves the choice of
various coping mechanisms used by male and female officers in an effort to reduce their
levels of stress or burnout. Most researchers agree that only the conscious use of a
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cognitive or a behavioral strategy intended to reduce perceived levels of stress or
strengthen a person’s ability to deal with stress reflects the coping process (Anshel, 2000;
Evans et al., 1993). Individuals often choose to adopt two distinctively different approaches
in an effort to cope with feelings of stress or burnout (Burke, 1993). The first approach
involves positive coping strategies intended to strengthen relations with family members
or establish a plan of action to deal with stressful events at work. Commonly utilized
positive coping mechanisms may also include increased communication with a spouse or
relative, exercise, or spiritual support through religion. The second approach to mitigating
stress entails choosing one or more destructive coping strategies. For example, overly
stressed or burned out individuals may isolate themselves from friends or family
members, increase smoking, or increase consumption of alcohol. Prior research in the
realm of police officer stress has suggested that alcohol is a commonly used coping
mechanism that is related to the “demands” of policing (Kroes et al., 1974; Violanti et al.,
1985).
Overall, positive coping mechanisms are viewed to be the most appropriate way to
decrease stress and avoid feelings of burnout. Additionally, it has been suggested that
destructive coping strategies may further exacerbate levels of stress (Lazarus, 1990).
Officers that use negative coping strategies face an increased likelihood of
experiencing chronic stress that may ultimately result in loss of motivation,
burnout, and an eventual withdrawal from police work (Hurrel, 1986; Maslach, 1976;
Zhao et al., 2003). It has also been found that male and female officers may use different
types of coping mechanisms (Haarr and Morash, 1999).
The relationship between gender and levels of stress in policing
In light of the potential to be subjected to an unfavorable organizational environment, it is
expected that female officers should report higher overall levels of work-related stress
than their male counterparts. More specifically, work-related stress refers to the physical
or psychological tensions that result from job demands that exceed available resources
(Cherniss, 1980). Research in other organizational contexts has shown that women
consistently report higher levels of psychological and physical stress than their male
co-workers (see Derogatis and Savitz, 1999). It is certainly plausible that the
organizational environment in the law enforcement field may have a similar effect on
levels of work-related stress reported by male and female officers. Additionally, research
involving women working in other non-traditional occupations, like steel mills and
mailrooms, has shown that females working in these environments may experience
hostility that may elevate reported levels of stress (Walshok, 1981). Furthermore, research
has also shown that males and females have different viewpoints on what is stressful
(Stotland, 1991) and how to cope with stress when it becomes problematic (Barnett et al.,
1987). These differences may also exist among law enforcement officers.
While research in other fields has found gender differences in stress, what
specifically about the policing profession can heighten feelings of stress and burnout
among female officers? Three stressors that may disproportionately affect male and
female officers deserve mentioning. First, as explained earlier, the police organization
itself may be unfavorable to female officers. For example, sex discrimination due to the
nature of police organization has been problematic in the history of American police
departments (Walker, 1985). Similarly, irregular working hours may be particularly
demanding for female officers who are the primary caregivers in the house (Potts,
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1983). Although these explicit practices may have decreased since the passage of the
EEOA in 1972, females may be subjected to discrimination in the hiring process that
may linger when they are hired as officers (Potts, 1983). These realities may create
perceptions of unfairness among female officers, which may subsequently increase
their levels of stress. The unfair hiring practices may in fact be part of the second
stressor, which involves the fact that policing has long been a male-dominated
profession. This creates an environment in which male officers may not accept female
officers as equals, regardless of the quality of their work (Weisheit, 1987). These
perceptions of inequality may further manifest themselves through male officers
putting down their female counterparts (Morash and Haarr, 1995) and explicitly
questioning their abilities (Haarr, 1997). Female officers, in turn, may not feel a great
deal of camaraderie with their fellow officers, which again may exacerbate levels of
stress. Finally, male and female officers may handle the travails and problems unique
to the law enforcement profession in a different manner. For example, Wexler and
Logan (1983) suggested that female officers may be affected differently by the constant
exposure to tragedy and trouble on the job. With these three reasons in mind, it is
certainly plausible that the levels of work-related stress reported by male and female
officers may be influenced differently by the stressors discussed earlier.
Prior research, however, has been mixed concerning the levels of general stress
among male and female police officers. For example, He et al. (2002) found that female
officers reported significantly higher levels of psychological stress, in the forms of
somatization and depression, than their male counterparts. Research conducted by
Silbert (1982) also finds that female officers express higher overall levels of stress than
male officers (see also Etzion, 1984; Jones and Fletcher, 1993 for similar findings about
women in general). In contrast to these findings, a review of the literature also indicates
various studies that find female officers to have similar if not lower levels of reported
general stress than males. In a seminal piece concerning the relationship between
gender and stress, Morash and Haarr (1995) found that although female officers
experience unique stressors on the job, they do not report higher overall levels of stress
than men. Findings of this nature have also been reported by Koenig (1978), Frye and
Greenfield (1980), and Davis (1984).
The relationship between gender and levels of burnout in policing
The nature of the law enforcement profession can also increase the possibility of
officers experiencing burnout. In contrast to work-related stress, burnout is defined as
a prolonged response to continual emotional and interpersonal stressors at the
workplace (Maslach et al., 2001, p. 397). Burnout, in essence, represents a serious
condition that results from ill-managed stress (Garland, 2002).
As Hawkins (2001) suggested, public service professions, like policing, involve
constant interactions with people who have a wide array of needs and demands. Police
officers, especially, interact with people in extremely stressful situations (Jespersen, 1988).
These interactions also can be consistent over time, which may lead to officers
experiencing symptoms of burnout. Burnout, in turn, can affect the quality of service
provided by police officers in addition to affecting inter-personal relationships with family
members and friends (Hawkins, 2001). Similar to the logic underlying the nexus between
gender and stress, it is argued that female police officers may not have the social support
within the organization to properly manage chronic stress in order to avoid symptoms of
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burnout (Thompson et al., 2005). A working environment characterized by feelings of
unfairness and a lack of camaraderie among fellow officers may cause female officers to
experience higher levels of burnout than their male counterparts.
Gender differences in the levels of burnout reported by police officers have been
found by various researchers. For example, Johnson (1991) found that female officers
had elevated levels of emotional exhaustion, which represents one component of
burnout. Similar findings concerning elevated levels of burnout among women were
also reported by Etzion (1984), Westman and Etzion (1995), and Schaufeli and
Enzmann (1998). The prior research, however, is not entirely consistent concerning this
relationship. A review of the literature also finds research that reported similar levels
of burnout between male and female officers. For example, in a study of Dutch police
officers, Kop et al. (1999) found no difference in the levels of burnout between male and
female officers. Furthermore, Hawkins (2001) found that female officers actually had
lower levels of the depersonalization element of burnout than their male counterparts.
The current study hopes to add to the existing body of literature in a variety of
ways. First, we hope to add to the knowledge about how levels of work-related stress
and burnout compare between male and female police officers. As discussed in the
literature review, there is not a consensus about if the levels of work-related stress and
burnout differ between male and female police officers. Second, it is hoped that the
findings from this study could be used to help influence future endeavors that seek to
decrease work-related stress and burnout among police officers.
Methodology
Data
The data used in this study are from Gershon’s (1999) study titled Police Stress and
Domestic Violence in Police Families in Baltimore, Maryland, 1997-1999 which was
funded by the National Institute of Justice. The data were downloaded from the
Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research’s (ICPSR #2976) website.
The purpose of Gershon’s (1999) study was to explore domestic violence in police families
and determine whether it was related to stress. To this end, a five-page questionnaire was
distributed to approximately 1,100 police officers representing all nine Baltimore precincts.
The sampling strategy involved obtaining the number of sworn employees in each
precinct on shift, attending roll calls for each shift in each of the nine precincts, and
distributing questionnaires to all officers in attendance. This convenience sampling
approach resulted in 1,100 officers who volunteered to participate in the study from a
total of 2,500 full-time sworn officers who were in attendance during the morning
and/or evening roll calls at each Baltimore precinct. The questionnaire addressed four
major topics:
(1) Symptoms of stress and likely stressors.
(2) Perceived current stress.
(3) Coping mechanisms utilized.
(4) Health outcomes over the course of the past year.
This effort in Baltimore was predicated, in part, on the passage of the Violent Crime
Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which sought to promote research on stress
among police officers. Many police departments, including Baltimore, have developed
stress-reduction programs, but they are often individual-based and reactive (Gershon,
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1999). The data were collected in an effort to develop organizational and preventive stress
interventions in Baltimore and in other cities (see Gershon, 1999 for additional
information).
The Baltimore Police Department is a good site to study work-related stress and
burnout for multiple reasons. First, it represents one of the largest local police
departments in the USA. In 1997, the year in which these data began to be collected, it
was the 8th largest department in the nation (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000).
Second, the Baltimore Police Department reflects the typical law enforcement
environment in large US cities in terms of crime rates and demographic diversity.
Finally, the Baltimore Police Department represents a typical organizational structure
of large law enforcement agencies regarding chain of command and division of labor.
Variables in the analysis
Dependent variables
The current study analyzes two separate dependent variables. Work-related stress (e.g. I
feeltiredatworkevenwithadequatesleep) entails immediate and daily responses to
stressors experienced by police officers. The scale measuring work-related stress in
Gershon’s (1999) survey was comprised of eight items and was adopted with modifications
from the work-related stress instrument initially developed by Davis et al. (1988). The eight
items included in Gershon’s (1999) survey and used in the current study are rated on a
four-point scale from never (1) to always (4). The second dependent variable, burnout (e.g. I
feel like I am on automatic pilot most of the time), is measured with a scale of four items
using a five-point scale from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The full list of
survey items contained in each scale can be found in the Appendix.
Independent variables
As discussed in the literature review, prior research has highlighted four general
stressors that may affect the levels of stress and burnout experienced by police officers.
Those four areas are:
(1) Stress from the work environment.
(2) Bureaucratic characteristics of police organizations.
(3) Availability of peer support and trust.
(4) Accessibility of coping mechanisms.
To measure those four areas, this study includes five independent variables (scales) in
two major categories involving:
(1) Work environment (negative exposures during police work, perceptions of
unfairness, and camaraderie among fellow officers).
(2) Coping mechanisms.
Three aspects of the work environment are considered. First, negative exposure is
measured through a scale comprised of nine survey items each featuring a three-point
Likert-type scale. The nine survey items attempt to capture the potentially dangerous
and traumatic situations that officers can experience (e.g. shooting someone,
responding to a bloody crime scene, attending a police funeral, etc.). Second,
camaraderie among fellow officers is measured through the combination of two
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five-point Likert scale items that capture the quality of relationships and the level of
support among officers (e.g. I can trust my work partner). Third, a scale of six
five-point Likert questions measures perceptions of unfairness, which entail officers’
feelings about the type of treatment they receive both within the context of the police
organization and from external sources, like the media (e.g. compared to my peers
(same rank), I find that I am likely to be more criticized for my mistakes, media reports
of alleged police wrong-doing are biased against us, etc.).
This study also includes measures of both constructive and destructive coping
strategies. Constructive coping is a measure of positive, productive, and active
responses intended to deal with stress (e.g. talk with your spouse, relative or friend
about the problem, make a plan of action and follow it, exercise regularly to reduce
tension, etc.). Five questions, each featuring a four-point Likert-type scale, are
combined to measure constructive coping. Destructive coping, in contrast, measures
negative and avoidance techniques used to combat stress (e.g. stay away from
everyone, smoke more to help you relax, hang out more with your fellow officers at a
bar, etc.). Eight questions, each featuring a four-point Likert-type scale, are combined
to measure destructive coping. The alpha values for the scales representing the five
independent variables ranged from 0.53 (camaraderie) to 0.79 (negative exposure). The
scales and their respective items and alpha values are listed in the Appendix.
Control variables
Five demographic variables are used in the analyses as control variables: ethnicity,
marital status, educational status, rank, and years of service. It has been suggested that
minority police officers may experience difficulty adjusting in a work environment
traditionally dominated by White males (Haarr and Morash, 1999). Dowler (2005), for
example, found that African American police officers were more likely to feel criticized
than White officers. These realities may increase levels of stress and burnout among
African American officers. Prior research has also suggested that marital status (Zhao
et al., 2003) and educational status (Levy, 1967; Zhao et al., 2002) may influence levels of
stress or burnout among police officers. Additionally, research studies suggest that
stress may be experienced differently depending on the rank of officers and years of
police service (see Brown and Campbell, 1990; Gudjonsson and Adlam, 1985). At the
same time, it is important to note that several studies incorporate demographics in
their analyses, but the effects of these characteristics on stress and burnout have often
times been weak and inconsistent (e.g. He et al., 2002; Maslach, 1982; Morash et al.,
2006; Zhao et al., 2003).
Findings
In this section, we first report the descriptive statistics followed by the results of the
multivariate analyses. Our first research question examines the levels of work-related
stress and burnout reported between male and female officers in the Baltimore Police
Department. The results of a comparison of male and female officers are set forth in
Table I. In addition, t-tests were performed to find if there are significant differences in
levels of work-related stress and burnout between male and female samples. The
means of the first dependent variable, work-related stress indicate that female officers
reported a slightly higher level of work-related stress (13.58) than their male
counterparts (13.47). In contrast to the work-related stress findings, male officers
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expressed higher levels of burnout (10.61) than their female counterparts (10.13) in the
Baltimore Police Department. However, neither of these differences is statistically
significant. The results reported here diverge from He et al.’s (2002) findings that there
were significant differences in three dimensions of general stress between male and
female officers (i.e. somatization, anxiety, and depression).
The descriptive statistics for the independent and control variables are also shown in
Table I with a comparison between male and female officers. The survey sample includes
943 male officers and 157 female officers. For the work environment and coping variables,
male officers reported a higher level of negative exposures (1.34 to 1.22), camaraderie (3.62
to 3.44), unfairness (3.04 to 2.81), and destructive coping mechanisms (1.56 to 1.50) than
female officers. In this sample, females did express higher levels of constructive coping
mechanisms (2.66) than their male counterparts (2.35).
Among male officers, 643 identified themselves as White (72 percent) and 253
officers identified themselves as African American (28 percent). Very few respondents,
among both males and females, identified themselves in the other racial categories. For
this reason, percentages for the ethnicity variable are based on only White and African
American officers. The majority of male officers (64 percent) are married. Additionally,
278 male officers have at least a college degree (30 percent). Among the male survey
Variables Males Females
Mean SD Mean SD
Dependent
*
Work-related stress 13.47 3.93 13.58 4.25
Burnout 10.61 3.10 10.13 2.99
Independent
Work environment
Negative exposures 1.34 0.65 1.22 0.61
Camaraderie 3.62 0.80 3.44 0.84
Unfairness 3.04 0.66 2.81 0.62
Coping
Constructive coping 2.35 0.60 2.66 0.57
Destructive coping 1.56 0.33 1.50 0.32
Demographic
Years of service 11.91 9.67 9.14 6.05
n % n %
Ethnicity
White ¼ 0 643 71.8 51 33.3
African-American ¼ 1 253 28.2 102 66.7
Marriage
Not married ¼ 0 341 36.2 99 63.9
Married ¼ 1 601 63.8 56 36.1
Education
Less than BA ¼ 0 658 70.3 108 69.2
BA and greater ¼ 1 278 29.7 48 30.8
Rank
Supervisor ¼ 0 184 19.5 18 11.5
Officer ¼ 1 758 80.5 138 88.5
Note:
*
The differences between male and female work-related stress and male and female burnout
were not found to be statistically significant at the 0.05 level
Table I.
Descriptive statistics for
male and female officers
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respondents, 758 stated their rank as officer (80 percent) while 184 stated their ranks as
sergeant or higher. The average length of service for the male officers is about 12 years.
In the female officer sample, 51 identified themselves as White (33 percent) while 102
identified themselves as African American (67 percent). Unlike their male counterparts,
the majority of female officers are single (64 percent). Additionally, 48 female officers have
at least a college degree (31 percent). A vast majority of the female survey respondents (89
percent) stated their rank as officer while only 11 percent stated their ranks as sergeant or
higher. The average length of service for female officers is about nine years.
Our second research question involves running separate multivariate analyses for
male and female officers to determine if there are any gender differences in the
predictors of work-related stress and burnout. The findings of the work-related stress
analyses are reported in Table II, and the male and female results are reported to allow
easy comparisons across the two models. Both the unstandardized and standardized
(beta) coefficients are reported to indicate the relative importance of each independent
variable to the equations for work-related stress and burnout.
In the male officer sample, the results of the regression analysis indicate that all five
independent variables measuring work environment and coping strategies have a
statistically significant effect on the level of work-related stress. For example, three
variables that tap into the negative experiences with work, negative exposures (e.g.
tragic accident, making violent arrest, etc), unfairness (e.g. more likely to be criticized),
and destructive coping (e.g. drinking, smoking, and gambling) are positively
associated with the level of work-related stress among male officers. In contrast, the
variables representing camaraderie (mutual support and corporation) and positive
coping (e.g. exercise regularly, make a plan, etc.) are negatively related to work-related
stress. The analysis of the female sample shows a similar pattern of significant
predictors except for two insignificant variables, negative exposures and constructive
coping. Overall, beta coefficients from the two models shown in Table II indicate that
destructive coping contributes most to the work-related stress, followed by unfairness.
The Adjusted R-square measure for the male officer model is moderate (0.34) while it is
relatively high for the female officer model (0.43). In addition, none of the demographic
variables are statistically significant.
The results from the analysis of burnout are displayed in Table III. In these two
models, the variable representing work-related stress is added as an intermediate
factor because it is hypothesized that work-related stress can lead to burnout. The first
two columns report the coefficients of variables for the male sample. Similar to the
analysis of work-related stress, the coefficients of the variables clearly suggest that
there is striking stability in the male sample. All five independent variables that were
significant in work-related stress model are significant and the signs of these variables
remain the same. It is important to note that this stability of coefficients comes after the
variable, work-related stress, is included in the current model. The Adjusted R-square
of the model (0.43) is higher than the previous model in Table II (0.34). This finding
suggests work-related stress does have a significant and independent effect on the level
of burnout among male police officers participated in the survey. Again, none of the
demographic variables are significant.
A similar pattern of results is also shown in the female sample, except for two
variables. First, the variable representing negative exposure becomes a significant
predictor of burnout in the female officer sample, while unfairness fails to achieve
PIJPSM
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682
statistical significance in the model. Second, like their male counterparts, constructive
coping has a negative and significant effect on burnout. The negative sign of
constructive coping and positive sign of negative coping highlight the importance of
coping mechanisms in handling employee burnout. One of the demographic variables,
ethnicity, is positively associated with burnout, indicating that African American
Males Females
Variables b
b
b
b
Work environment
Negative exposures 0.674 0.109
*
1.444 0.191
Camaraderie 2 0.810 2 0.164
*
2 0.826 2 0.151
*
Unfairness 1.073 0.181
*
1.292 0.183
*
Coping
Constructive coping 2 0.722 2 0.108
*
2 0.660 2 0.085
Destructive coping 4.333 0.356
*
5.913 0.440
*
Demographic
Ethnicity 2 0.192 2 0.022 0.064 0.007
Marriage 0.047 0.006 0.791 0.089
Education 0.044 0.005 0.591 0.063
Rank 0.385 0.039 1.247 0.096
Years of service 0.015 0.037 0.062 0.084
Intercept 6.747 2.057
Adjusted R
2
0.34
*
0.43
*
Note:
*
p , 0:05
Table II.
Work-related stress
regression analyses for
male (n ¼ 943) and
female (n ¼ 157) officers
Males Females
Variables b
b
b
b
Work environment
Negative exposures 0.557 0.111
*
1.206 0.235
*
Camaraderie 2 0.431 2 0.107
*
2 0.665 2 0.179
*
Unfairness 0.738 0.153
*
0.153 0.032
Work-related stress
**
0.284 0.351
*
0.260 0.382
*
Coping
Constructive coping 2 0.630 2 0.117
*
2 0.898 2 0.170
*
Destructive coping 1.755 0.179
*
0.693 0.076
*
Demographic
Ethnicity 0.384 0.054 1.253 0.205
*
Marriage 0.269 0.041 2 0.264 2 0.044
Education 2 0.344 2 0.050 2 0.847 2 0.132
Rank 0.209 0.040 0.556 0.063
Years of service 2 0.022 2 0.067 0.003 0.006
Intercept 3.897 6.725
Adjusted R
2
0.43
*
0.47
*
Note:
*
p , 0:05;
**
Since prior research suggests that stress can ultimately lead to burnout,
work-related stress was included as an independent variable in the burnout analyses
Table III.
Burnout regression
analyses for male
(n ¼ 943) and female
(n ¼ 157) officers
Are there any
gender
differences?
683
female officers have higher levels of burnout than their white female counterparts.
Finally, the Adjusted R -square for the model is quite impressive at 0.47.
Discussion and conclusion
The purpose of this study was twofold. First, we intended to compare the overall levels of
work-related stress and burnout reported by male and female officers. Although slight
differences were found in the measures of work-related stress and burnout across gender,
they failed to achieve statistical significance. This indicates that in this sample, the levels
of work-related stress and burnout reported by female officers were not significantly
different than those reported by male officers. Although these findings may seem
surprising given that female officers may face a more stressful organizational
environment, prior research has indicated that the levels of stress and burnout reported
by male and female officers have often times been similar (see Davis, 1984; Frye and
Greenfield, 1980; Hawkins, 2001; Koenig, 1978; Kop et al., 1999; Morash and Haarr, 1995).
Second, we ran separate multivariate analyses for male and female officers on both the
work-related stress and burnout dependent variables. We wanted to determine if there
were any gender differences in the predictors of work-related stress and burnout among
law enforcement officers. Multiple differences were detected across the models. For
example, the ethnicity variable was significant in the female officer burnout model
indicating that African American female officers report higher levels of burnout than their
White female counterparts. The ethnicity variable was not a significant predictor of
burnout among the sample of male officers. An additional difference between male and
female officers was detected in comparing the work-related stress models. It is interesting
to note that although the female officer model has three significant variables (compared to
the male model with five significant variables), the Adjusted R- square for the female
model was significantly higher than the male model (0.43 to 0.34). This may suggest that
there are relatively few key factors that are related to work-related stress among female
officers but these variables are highly crucial after controlling for other effects.
Differences also exist between the predictors of work-related stress and burnout.
For example, the negative exposures variable was a significant predictor of burnout
among female officers, but it was not a significant predictor of work-related stress
among female officers. This may indicate that making a violent arrest, attending a
police funeral, or the possibility of shooting someone may have a more profound and
long-lasting effect on female officers, creating a sense of burnout, as opposed to a
short-term effect, as measured by the work-related stress variable. While differences
were detected between the predictors of male and female officer work-related stress,
similarities also existed. For example, beta coefficients indicate that destructive coping
mechanisms and perceptions of unfairness were the most important predictors of
work-related stress for both male and female officers. Additionally, work-related stress
was the most important predictor of burnout for both male and female officers.
In addition to the previously mentioned findings, we would like to focus on two
additional points of discussion. First, we would like to stress the importance of the finding
that the ethnicity variable was a significant predictor of burnout only among female
officers. Morash and Haarr (1995) did find that black female officers had significantly
higher levels of stress than black male officers. At this point, however, we are not aware of
another study, other than the current research, that has found a similar pattern for
burnout. Holder et al. (2000) argued that minority female officers may be subjected to
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684
“triple jeopardy” on the job. In other words, they may experience elements of racism
similar to minority male officers, elements of sexism similar to white female officers, but
they also experience unique problems as both female and minority officers. This current
finding that the ethnicity variable was a significant predictor of burnout only among
female officers may be a manifestation of this idea of “triple jeopardy”. While prior
research has certainly explored the independent effects of gender (e.g. He et al., 2002) and
race (e.g. Dowler, 2005), future research should perhaps be more focused on how gender
and race intersect to affect stress and burnout among police officers.
The findings also have implications for possible program and policy developments
seeking to prevent stress and burnout among minority female police officers. Exploring
the original data set, of all the gender and ethnicity dyads possible (African American
men, White men, African American women, White women), African American women
have the lowest overall average rating on the camaraderie variable. Perhaps this is
evidence that mentoring programs, focused on minority female officers, would be a viable
way to help bolster camaraderie in the short-term in addition to help decrease burnout in
the long-term. A mentoring relationship is advantageous in that the mentor has a great
deal of knowledge about the job and the working conditions associated with a profession
in addition to understanding the “politics” of an organization (Gibb, 1999). In this sense, a
mentoring program could help young minority female officers develop relationships
within the police organization thereby facilitating some level of camaraderie and
providing the officer with someone to talk to about the rigors of the job. This finding may
also be further evidence that a one program fits all approach to prevent stress and
burnout among police officers may not be the best policy. Certain groups of officers may
need different services and programs that are conscious of the fact that the law
enforcement profession may affect males and females of different races and ethnicities in
different ways.
Our second point of discussion extends upon the prior research of Herzberg (1968).
Based on his findings, Herzberg (1968) concluded that job satisfaction is associated
with the factors intrinsic to the characteristics of one’s job. The experience an employee
has at the workplace determines his/her level of job satisfaction, not the demographic
characteristics such as age, educational attainment, etc. We view the current study as
an extension of Herzberg’s argument about the relationship between employees’
experiences at workplace and their psychological well-beings by examining the other
side of the coin – the impact of work environment on occupational stress among a
particular group: police officers. The findings show that inherent work-related factors
are much more important predictors of work-related stress and burnout than the
demographic variables included in the analysis. This finding applies to both male and
female officer samples. With the exception of the ethnicity variable in the female
burnout model, none of the demographic variables were significant predictors of
work-related stress or burnout. This finding supports Herzberg’s (1968) theory
concerning the importance of the work environment. More specifically, the hazardous
work environment in policing, the overly-rigid rules, and strained relationships with
co-workers can create high levels of job dissatisfaction among employees. It is certainly
plausible that these similar conditions could also heighten feelings of work-related
stress and burnout among both male and female officers. Even though male and female
officers may share similar areas of experience with the work environment in terms of
perceptions of danger, unfairness, and low levels of camaraderie, gender still has the
Are there any
gender
differences?
685
potential to affect how those perceptions are ultimately dealt with as they pertain to
feelings of work-related stress and burnout (see Morash and Haarr, 1995).
In closing, three important limitations of this research must be noted. First, the
analyses were conducted on a sample of one large police department located on the east
coast. Although the enormity of the Baltimore Police Department and its similarity to
other large departments make this an interesting site in which to analyze occupational
stress and burnout, it is difficult to generalize the results to all departments,
particularly small ones in the United States. Additional research attempting to
understand the predictors of male and female officer stress in other departments would
be beneficial. Second, the fact that Gershon (1999) used a convenience sampling
approach must be considered a limitation. Although a high percentage of officers
completed the survey, the lack of a rigorous sampling strategy may have resulted in a
group of respondents not wholly representative of female officers in Baltimore or of the
entire department in general. Third, although a sizable number of male (n ¼ 943) and
female (n ¼ 157) officers were included in the sample, it would be advantageous to
have even greater numbers from more diverse locations in future research concerning
the relationship between gender and police officer stress and burnout.
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Appendix
Composite index construction
Dependent variables:. Work-related stress (alpha ¼ 0.86):
Questions: How often are the following statements true?
.
I feel tired at work even with adequate sleep.
.
I am moody, irritable, or impatient over small problems.
.
I want to withdraw from the constant demands on my time and energy from work.
.
I feel negative, futile or depressed about work.
.
I think I am not as efficient at work as I should be.
.
My resistance to illness is lowered because of my work.
.
My interest in doing fun activities is lowered because of my work.
.
I have difficulty concentrating on my job.
Response categories are: 1 (never), 2 (sometimes), 3 (frequently), 4 (always)
Burnout (alpha ¼ 0.73):
Questions: Please check the box that best describes how much you agree with the following
statements:
.
I feel like I am on automatic pilot most of the time.
.
I feel like I need to take control of the people in my life.
.
I feel burned out from my job.
.
I feel like I am at the end of my rope.
Original responses are from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree).
Categories have been reverse coded in the current study.
Independent variables:. Negative exposures (alpha ¼ 0.79):
Questions: If you have ever experienced any of the following, please indicate how much it
emotionally affected you. Please check N/A if you have not experienced it.
.
Making a violent arrest.
.
Shooting someone.
.
Being the subject of an IID investigation.
.
Responding to a call related to a chemical spill.
.
Responding to a bloody crime scene.
.
Personally knowing the victim.
.
Being involved in a hostage situation.
.
Attending a police funeral.
.
Experiencing a needle stick injury or other exposure to blood and body fluids.
Response categories are: 0 (N/A), 1 (not at all), 2 (a little), and 3 (very much).
Camaraderie (alpha ¼ 0.53):
Questions: Please check the box that best describes how much you agree with the following
statements:
.
There is good and effective cooperation between units.
.
I can trust my work partner.
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Original response categories are from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Categories have
been reverse coded in current study.
Unfairness (alpha ¼ 0.60):
Questions: Please check the box that best describes how much you agree with the following
statements:
.
Compared to my peers (same rank), I find that I am likely to be more criticized for my
mistakes.
.
I feel that I am less likely to get chosen for certain assignments because of “who I am” (e.g.
race, gender, sexual orientation, physical characteristics).
.
Within the department, gender related jokes are often made in my presence.
.
When I am assertive or question the way things are done, I am considered militant.
.
Media reports of alleged police wrong-doing are biased against us.
.
The department tends to be more lenient in enforcing rules and regulations for female
officers.
Original response categories are from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Categories have
been reverse coded in current study.
Constructive coping (alpha ¼ 0.66):
Questions: When dealing with stressful events at work, how often do you:
.
Talk with your spouse, relative or friend about the problem.
.
Pray for guidance and strength.
.
Make a plan of action and follow it.
.
Exercise regularly to reduce tension.
.
Rely on your faith in God to see you through this rough time?
Response categories are from 1 (never) to 4 (always).
Destructive coping (alpha ¼ 0.57):
Questions: When dealing with stressful events at work, how often do you:
.
Stay away from everyone, you want to be alone.
.
Smoke more to help you relax.
.
Yell or shout at your spouse/significant other, a family member, or a professional.
.
Let your feelings out by smashing things.
.
Hang out more with your fellow officers at a bar.
.
Gamble.
.
Increase your sexual activity.
.
Try to act as if nothing is bothering you?
Response categories are from 1 (never) to 4 (always).
Corresponding author
William P. McCarty can be contacted at:
Are there any
gender
differences?
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